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HISTORY 


CONQUEST    OF   PERU 


THE    SPANIARDS. 


BY 

DON  TELESFORO  DE  TRUEBA  Y  COSIO, 

AUTHOR  OF  "THE  LIFE  OF  HERXAX  CORTEZ,"   ETC. 


co:.:flete  in  one  volu:.:: 


PHILADELPHIA: 

CAREY     AND     H  A  R  T 

1846. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

T.  K.  AND  P.  G.  COLLINS, 

PRINTERS. 


SRLF 

URl 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 


Introductory  Remarks. — Account  of  the  first  Project  of  the  Conquest  of 
Peru,  and  of  the  three  Associates,  Francis  Pizarro,  Diego  de  Almagro,  and 
Hernando  Luque.        -  -  -  -  -  -  -  -3-3 

CHAPTER  II. 
Distresses  of  the  Spaniards  and  their  heroic  Resolution. — New  efforts  of 
Pizarro  and  his  Associates.     -  -  -  -  -  -  -     42 

CHAPTER  III. 

Civil  Dissensions  in  Peru  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish  Invagion.      -  -     51 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Proceedings  of  the  Spaniards. — Meeting  at  Caxamalca,  and  its  results. — 
Trial  and  Death  of  the  Inca  Atahualpa.  -  -  -  -  -     56 

CHAPTER  V. 
Proceedings  after  the  death  of  Atahualpa. — Points  of  contention  among 
Pizarro  and  Almagro,  &c.       -  -  -  -  -  -  -69 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Diego  de  Almagro  undertakes  the  Conquest  of  Chili — Revolutions  in  Peru.     19 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Civil  War  among  the  Spaniards. — Battle  of  Salinas. — Death  of  Almagro, 

kc.  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  -     SS 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
New  Plans. — Voyage  of  Ferdinand  Pizarro  to  Spain. — His  imprisonment, 
&c. — Expedition  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  to  the  Canela,  &c.         ...  101 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Treachery  of  Orellana,  and  Discovery  of  the  Maragnon. — Dreadful  Cala- 
mities endured  by  Gonzalo  Pizarro  and  his  Companions,  and  their  Return 
to  Quito.  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  -   11-2 


CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  X. 

Insurrection  of  the  Almagrians. — Conspiracy  against  Francisco  Pizarro 
and  his  Death.  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  -  119 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Renewal   of  Civil  Dissensions. — Arrival  of  Vaca  de  Castro. — Complete 
Destruction  of  the  Almagrian  Faction,  &c.    -----  129 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Measures  adopted  by  the  Spanish  Government  with  regard  to  Peru. — 
The  Nomination  of  Nunez  Vela  as  Viceroy  of  that  Country.  -  -  13S 

CHAPTER  XIII. 
Unpopularity  of  the  Viceroy. — Insurrection  against  him.  -  -  151) 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
Gonzalo   Pizarro   enters    Lima,  and  causes  himself  to  be   elevated   to 
supreme  power  in  Peru.  -------  15.9 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Pizarro  gains  a  signal  Victory. — Death  of  the  Viceroy,  &c.  -  -  167 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  becomes  absolute  Master  of  Peru.  ...  174 

CHAPTER  XVII. 
The  Mission  of  Pedro  Lagasca  to  Peru.     -----  ISO 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 
Progress  of  Lagasca. — Battle  of  Huarina.  ....  iSfe 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Fortune  declares  for  the  President  Lagasca. — Bloodless  Victory  obtained 
by  him,  and  Downfall  of  Pizarro  and  his  Adherents.  -  -  -  19S 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Fxecution   of  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  Carvajal,  &c. — Their  Characters. — Con- 
clusion. -  -  -  -  -  -  -  .  .  20S 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  empire  of  Peru,  when  the  Spaniards  invaded  it,  possessed 
an  extent  of  territories  so  vast  as  to  excite  wonder  and  surprise. 
It  stretched  no  less  than  fifteen  hundred  miles  from  north  to  south 
along  the  Pacific  Ocean.  In  the  infancy  of  its  state  these  regions 
shared  the  fate  of  the  other  countries  in  the  New  World.  Con- 
verted into  numerous  and  wandering  tribes  of  rude  savages,  and 
strangers  to  the  most  simple  operations  of  industry,  the  first  in- 
habitants, according  to  the  accounts  received,  must  have  been 
among  the  most  uncivilized  people  of  America.  They  used  to 
roam  in  a  state  of  nudity  amidst  the  thickets  and  impervious 
woods  which  covered  the  land,  resembling,  in  their  manner  of 
life,  more  the  members  of  the  brute  creation,  than  rational  beings 
belonging  to  the  human  species.  They  were  totally  unacquainted 
with  the  use  of  the  products  of  the  country  farther  than  the 
satisfying  of  present  want ;  nor  had  they  the  most  remote  idea  of 
the  principles  of  right  and  wrong.  The  enjoyment  of  animal 
life  was  the  boundary  of  their  thoughts,  and  to  procure  food  the 
utmost  limit  of  their  desires.  In  this  deplorable  state,  they  con- 
tinued for  many  ages  ;  nor  did  the  constant  suffering,  and  extra- 
ordinary deprivation  to  which  they  were  subjected,  ever  awaken 
a  thought  or  excite  a  wish  towards  the  improvement  of  their  lot. 

A  singular  and  not  uninteresting  legend  is  connected  with  the 
origin  of  a  more  civilized  system  of  things  among  the  Peruvians. 
The  manner  in  which  they  account  for  the  dawn  of  civilization 
is  as  fanciful  and  ingenious  as  that  of  any  other  nation  in  a 
similar  state.  It  is  related,  that  one  day  a  wandering  horde  of 
the  natives  were  accosted  on  the  borders  of  the  Lake  Titiaca,  by 
two  beings,  male  and  female,  of  superior  aspect,  and  wearing 
decent  attire.  These  singular  persons  announced  themselves  as 
children  of  the  Sun,  and  to  be  commissioned  by  that  celestial 
power  to  improve  and  civilize  the  country.  They  declared  that 
the  great  luminary  of  day  beheld  with  compassion  the  wretched 
state  to  which  the  natives  were  condemned  by  their  ignorance, 
and  that,  if  they  would  implicitly  follow  instruction,  the   com- 


INTRODUCTION. 


forts  of  their  lives  would  be  considerably  increased.  The  savages, 
in  their  simplicity,  listened  with  profound  respect  to  the  words 
of  the  supposed  messengers  from  the  Sun,  and  were  easily  in- 
duced to  promise  obedience,  in  following  the  precepts  inculcated 
for  their  improvement.  Superstition,  in  this  case,  powerfully 
aided  the  views  of  humanity  ;  for  the  natives,  really  conceiving 
those  superior  beings  to  be  children  of  the  Sun,  began  to  assem- 
ble in  various  groups,  and  followed  them  to  Cuzco,  where  they 
founded  the  first  establishment  in  the  country  at  all  resembling 
a  town.  The  infant  colony,  however,  by  the  unwearied  exer- 
tions of  the  new  legislators,  efficiently  seconded  by  the  people 
who  had  placed  themselves  under  their  rule,  soon  began  to  wear 
a  prosperous  aspect,  until  it  gradually  grew  in  extent  and  import- 
ance so  as  to  constitute  a  considerable  city. 

Manco  Capac  and  Mama  Ocollo,  perceiving  the  favourable  re- 
sults which  their  efforts  towards  ameliorating  the  lot  of  the 
Peruvians  had  brought  forth,  now  devoted  their  whole  career  to 
prosecute  an  enterprise  so  successfully  begun.  Settlers  flocked 
from  every  part;  and,  as  every  one  perceived  the  advantages  of 
the  new  order  of  things,  it  was  no  difficult  matter  to  persuade 
these  simple  savages  to  pay  that  blind  obedience  to  their  instruc- 
tors which  was  indispensable  to  the  accomplishment  of  the 
desired  effect.  Manco  Capac  instructed  the  Indians  in  the  use- 
ful arts,  and  gave  those  rudiments  of  industry  necessary  to  the 
comforts  of  social  life.  He  instructed  his  subjects  in  husbandry, 
whilst  Mama  Ocollo  taught  the  women  to  spin,  and  other  occu- 
pations proper  to  the  sex.  The  prosperity  which  attended  the 
natives,  who  had  ranged  themselves  under  the  authority  of  the 
first  Inca  of  Peru,  Manco  Capac,  induced  such  numbers  to  aban- 
don their  wandering  lives  in  favour  of  a  more  civilized  order  of 
things,  that  it  was  soon  found  expedient  to  build  other  towns;  and 
no  less  than  thirteen  started  up,  in  a  short  period  of  time,  to  the 
east  of  Cuzco,  and  thirty  to  the  west. 

The  Inca  did  not  limit  his  exertions  to  teaching  the  natives 
how  they  might  improve  the  comforts  of  animal  life,  but  endea- 
voured to  establish  a  legislation  in  accordance  with  their  present 
state,  and  adapted  to  their  capacities.  He  made  several  laws, 
simple  and  comprehensible  to  all,  and  attached  punishments  to 
the  violators  of  them.  As  the  goods  of  the  earth,  as  well  as  the 
produce  of  industry,  were  held  in  common  by  all,  the  institution 
of  private  property  not  being  known,  the  laws  necessary  to  its 
protection  were  alike  superfluous.  The  various  productions 
were  kept  in  large  public  magazines,  and  portioned  out  to  every 


INTRODUCTION. 

one  according  to  his  necessities.  But  the  Inca  framed  laws 
which  he  considered  indispensable  to  the  prosperity  of  his  infant 
state.  He  established  the  rites  of  marriage,  and  ordered  that  no 
one  should  have  more  than  one  wife,  advising,  at  the  same  time, 
the  Indians  to  marry  within  their  own  kindred,  that  the  families 
should  not  be  confounded.  As,  in  the  rudeness  of  the  savage 
life,  the  greatest  licentiousness  of  manners  prevails,  and  no  restraint 
is  put  upon  the  passions,  the  Inca  found  it  indispensable  to  pay 
special  attention  to  this  evil,  and  he  accordingly  ordained  that 
the  crime  of  adultery  should  be  punished  with  death.  He  was 
also  very  careful  in  directing  the  thoughts  of  his  subjects  towards 
the  purposes  of  religion.  He  told  them,  that,  as  the  dispenser  of 
all  the  goods  of  the  earth,  the  greatest  veneration  should  be  paid 
to  the  Sun  ;  and  that  this  should  be  evinced  on  all  occasions,  by 
the  sincerity  of  the  worship  paid  to  the  deity.  He  caused  a  re- 
ligious community  to  be  formed  of  virgins  devoted  to  the  Sun.  A 
building  was  erected  for  them,  and  the  institution  was  to  be  put 
in  full  vigour,  as  soon  as  there  were  a  sufficient  number  of  maidens 
of  the  royal  and  celestial  descent. 

The  Inca  Manco  Capac  continued  to  reign  in  prosperity  for 
the  space  of  thirty  or  forty  years,  respected  by  his  subjects,  and 
blindly  obeyed  with  that  sort  of  superstitious  deference  which  his 
supposed  heavenly  origin  was  calculated  to  inspire.  When  he 
perceived  his  end  approaching,  he  called  round  him  his  prin- 
cipal subjects,  and  delivered  a  long  harangue,  earnestly  conjuring 
them  to  observe  with  scrupulous  care  the  instructions  which  he 
had  given  them,  and  the  laws  which  he  had  made  for  their  own 
welfare  and  prosperity.  He  also  called  his  son  and  successor  to 
him,  and  gave  him  prudent  and  kind  advice  as  to  the  manner  in 
which  he  was  to  conduct  himself,  so  as  to  insure  the  good  of 
his  people  and  his  own.  Above  all  things,  he  was  particu- 
larly earnest  on  the  subject  of  the  veneration  to  be  paid  to  the 
Sun  and  Moon  ;  and  commanded  him  to  be  imperious  in  exact- 
ing the  respect  due  to  the  Incas,  as  intimately  connected  with 
their  religious  notions.  The  old  Inca  then  died,  respected  and 
lamented  by  his  people,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Sinchi 
Roca.  This  prince  was  of  a  warlike  disposition  and  extended 
considerably,  by  conquest,  the  territories  left  him  by  his  prede- 
cessor. 

The  kingdom  founded  by  Manco  Capac  continued  to  flourish; 
the  population  increased;  the  arts  of  social  life  became  gradually 
better  understood  and  appreciated  ;  and  the  Peruvians  progres- 
sively assumed  that  aspect  which  entitled  them  to  be   considered 


INTRODUCTION. 

as  the  most  civilized  nation  in  the  New  World.  It  was  governed 
by  a  succession  of  twelve  sovereigns,  whose  efforts  were  suc- 
cessfully employed  in  improving  and  extending  their  jurisdiction. 
Herana  Capac,  the  twelfth  Inca  from  the  foundation  of  the  em- 
pire, was  a  prince  of  great  abilities,  and  no  less  distinguished  by 
his  virtues  in  peace  than  his  military  powers.  He  conquered 
the  vast  kingdom  of  Quito;  but  his  achievements,  though  glo- 
rious at  the  time,  proved,  in  the  sequel,  in  some  measure  the 
ruin  of  Peru;  as  the  civil  war  between  Atahualpa  and  Huascar, 
the  two  children  of  the  Inca,  greatly  facilitated  the  progress  of  the 
Spanish  arms  in  the  empire. 

In  contemplating  the  character,  religion,  and  manners  of  the 
Peruvians,  a  striking  difference  is  observable,  when  contrasted 
with  those  of  the  Mexicans.  The  former  were  as  remarkable  for 
the  softness  and  kindness  of  their  disposition,  as  the  latter  were 
noted  for  their  sanguinary  and  warlike  temper.  From  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  monarchy  of  the  Incas,  a  complete  revolution  oc- 
curred in  those  places  formerly  inhabited  by  rude  savages;  and 
the  change  is  no  less  to  be  dwelt  upon  for  its  beneficial  results, 
than  the  difficulties  which  seemed  to  rise  in  opposition  to  its  ac- 
complishment. According  to  Father  Valdera,  the  natives  of  those 
regions  were  as  inhuman  and  ferocious  in  their  primitive  state,  as 
in  any  other  portion  of  the  New  World.  Their  idolatry  was  as 
gross  and  absurd,  perhaps  more  so,  than  that  of  the  Mexicans. 
Indeed  the  rational  faculties  seemed  to  have  had  not  the  smallest 
development  among  these  savages  ;  for  even  in  their  errors  and 
monstrosities,  they  were  guided  by  no  link  of  reasoning,  or  even 
animal  instinct,  but  seemed  to  be  influenced  by  the  sudden  effect 
afforded  by  a  present  object,  or  a  passing  feeling  of  the  moment. 
Thus  a  gigantic  rock  or  a  mountain,  the  sea  or  a  river,  ferocious 
animals,  a  tree,  or  a  flower,  became,  by  turns,  the  objects  of  their 
adoration.  Thus,  the  tribes  on  the  coast  worshiped  the  sea  and 
the  whale,  on  account  of  their  portentous  bulk ;  and  the  inland 
natives  showed  their  reverence  to  mountains  and  ferocious  beasts. 
There  were  also  some  nations,  such  as  the  Chirihuanas  and  Pas- 
savi,  on  the  confines  of  Peru,  who  had  no  form  of  worship  what- 
ever; who  appeared  to  be  influenced  by  no  feeling  either  of  hope 
or  fear,  and  lived  in  every  respect  like  the  members  of  the  brute 
creation. 

But  the  mvthology  of  the  Peruvians,  however  monstrous,  was 
not  characterized  by  the  martial  spirit  which  marked  that  of  the 
Mexicans  ;  and  yet  an  equal  degree  of  atrocity  was  exhibited  in 
the  manner  of  their  oblations,  as  well  as  in  the  victims  offered. 


INTRODUCTION. 

Human  sacrifices  were  common,  and  the  method  of  putting  the 
intended  victim  to  death,  cruel  and  abominable.  In  the  regions 
of  Panama  and  Darien,  which  Valdera  supposes  to  have  been 
colonized  and  peopled  by  wandering  tribes  proceeding  from  the 
Mexican  territories,  the  inhabitants  were  perhaps  the  most  barba- 
rous with  regard  to  these  sacrifices.  They  used  to  take  the  victim, 
and,  having  tied  him  to  a  tree,  completely  naked,  the  members 
and  friends  of  the  family  who  had  taken  the  wretch  prisoner,  then 
assembled  round  him,  and,  with  flint-knives,  began  to  cut  pieces 
from  the  most  fleshy  parts  of  the  victim.  They  ate  the  flesh 
with  scarcely  any  preparation,  hastily  and  voraciously;  and  the 
object  of  their  horrid  feast  beheld  all  the  while  the  disgusting 
banquet,  until  he  gradually  sunk  writhing  under  protracted  torture. 
At  these  frightful  repasts  the  women  and  the  children  used  to 
assist ;  so  that,  from  early  infancy,  the  natives  were  trained  up  to 
habits  of  callous  ferocity. 

Another  circumstance  worthy  of  remark,  is  the  treatment  which 
they  adjudged  to  the  bones  of  the  victim,  when  the  sacrifice  was 
consummated.  If,  during  the  frightful  ceremony,  he  evinced 
tokens  of  much  suffering,  or  groaned  in  pain,  he  was  treated  with 
contempt,  and  they  used  to  scatter  his  bones  over  the  fields,  or 
throw  them  into  the  rivers ;  but  if,  on  the  contrary,  the  sufferer 
gave  evidence  of  extraordinary  fortitude  and  magnanimity,  his  re- 
mains were  exposed  to  the  sun  in  elevated  places,  that  they  might 
be  dried  ;  after  which,  they  became  objects  of  special  worship. 
Such  practices,  with  a  complete  absence  of  all  the  outward  form 
of  worship,  could  not  certainly  deserve  the  name  of  religion  ;  and 
we  may  conclude  that,  in  this  respect,  the  natives  were  inferior 
to  the  Mexicans,  who,  however  atrocious  in  their  rites,  had  a  con- 
stituted order  of  things,  a  body  of  priests,  with  their  attributes  and 
functions,  religious  ceremonies,  festivals,  and  every  token  which 
argues  a  regular  system  of  faith. 

Under  the  paternal  government  of  the  Incas,  in  no  particular 
did  the  Peruvians  become  more  humanized  and  improved  than  in 
their  religion.  A  form  of  worship,  as  mild  and  natural  as  their 
former  practices  were  detestable,  was  instituted,  and  produced  the 
most  beneficial  results  to  the  country.  The  Incas,  from  the  be- 
ginning, prudently  began  to  govern  the  minds  of  men,  from  the 
principle  of  kindness,  rather  than  the  agency  of  fear,  or  any  other 
base  excitement.  They  represented  the  Sun  and  Moon  as  being 
moral  deities  anxious  for  the  prosperity  of  the  human  race,  and 
delighting  in  their  happiness.  Instead  of  those  divinities  being 
propitiated  by  the  spilling  of  blood,  or  delighted  at  the  atrocities 


xxiv  INTRODUCTION. 

and  butcheries  which  the  natives  were  accustomed  to  commit,  they 
were  described  as  being  greatly  offended  by  such  detestable  deeds. 
Accordingly,  the  offerings  allotted  to  the  Sun  were  more  in  accord- 
ance with  the  mild  and  paternal  decrees  of  such  worship.  The 
most  acceptable  sacrifices  to  this  divinity,  were  declared  to  be  the 
first  produce  of  the  land  over  which  he  threw  his  vivifying  influ- 
ence ;  and  plants,  and  articles  of  food,  fruits,  milk,  and  the  beverage 
called  Anca,  were  now  the  ordinary  things  offered  to  him.  Tame 
animals  were  also  sacrificed,  of  which  the  most  esteemed  were 
those  noted  for  their  meekness,  such  as  the  lamb,  sheep,  &c. 
The  practice  of  human  sacrifices  was  totally  abolished  ;  and  though 
some  historians  pretend  that  these  were  continued  after  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  empire  of  the  Incas,  such  an  occurrence  might 
happen  in  districts  remote  from  the  observation  of  the  sovereign, 
or  where  the  march  of  civilization  had  been  slower,  but  were  never 
sanctioned  nor  countenanced  by  the  Incas  themselves.* 

The  Temple  of  the  Sun,  at  Cuzco,  was  served  by  a  regular 
train  of  priests,  all  of  whom  were  obliged  to  be  of  the  royal  blood 
of  the  Incas.  Indeed,  the  chief  priest  was  required  to  be 
either  the  uncle,  or  the  brother  of  the  sovereign.  In  this  the 
policy  of  the  founder  of  the  empire  is  clearly  discernible.  By 
uniting  the  civil  legislature  to  that  of  religion,  he  strengthened 
the  power  of  the  monarchy.  The  descendants  of  the  blood  of  the 
Incas  accounted  to  have  issued  from  the  sun  and  moon,  having 
thus  the  whole  power  of  the  state  on  their  hands,  were  rendered 
doubly  respected  by  the  blended  sentiments  of  human  respect  and 
religious  veneration.  The  priests  were  not  distinguished  by  any 
particular  insignia  or  dress,  but  went  attired  in  the  usual  manner. 
In  the  other  provinces  and  cities  of  the  empire,  the  persons  dedi- 
cated to  the  service  of  the  deity  were  not  obliged  to  be  of  the 
royal  blood,  but  only  belonging  to  the  principal  families,  though 
the  chief  priest  being  an  Inca  could  never  be  dispensed  with. 
The  influence  of  their  religion  was  strikingly  displayed  in  the 
manners  and  civil  institutions  of  the  Peruvians,  and  contributed 
efficiently  to  form  their  gentleness  of  disposition.  Strangers  to 
the  barbarous  practices  that  stained  the  altars  of  other  American 
regions,  from  the  mildness  of  that  superstition  which  they  had 
adopted,  the  Peruvians  became  the  most  pacilic  people  in  the 
New  World.  Indeed,  even  in  their  wars,  the  Incas  evinced  a 
very  different  spirit  from  that  of  other  countries.  They  had  not, 
like  the  Mexicans,  a  gloomy  and  blood-thirsty  divinity  to  propitiate 

*  G.  de  la  Vega. 


INTRODUCTION. 

by  offerings  of  human  victims — they  fought  and  conquered,  not 
to  destroy  their  enemies,  but  to  civilize  them.  The  vanquished, 
accordingly,  were  not  treated  like  miserable  slaves  doomed  to  sac- 
rifice, or  condemned  to  ignoble  bondage, — they  were  admitted  to 
the  same  advantages,  and  put  in  every  respect  on  a  par  with  their 
conquerors. 

The  character  of  the  Peruvians  was,  upon  the  whole,  unwar- 
iike  ;  and  this  was  a  fatal  defect,  as  it  contributed  so  powerfully 
to  their  easy  conquest  by  the  Spaniards.  In  almost  every  other 
region  of  the  New  World,  the  natives  sallied  forth  to  oppose  the 
invaders,  and  displayed,  in  their  defence,  great  fierceness  and 
obstinacy.  It  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty,  and  by  an  extraor- 
dinary exertion  of  courage  and  perseverance,  united  to  prudence 
and  abilities,  that  the  subjection  of  the  Mexicans  had  been  accom- 
plished by  Cortes  and  his  companions.  In  Peru,  on  the  contrary, 
there  was  little  or  no  resistance  to  the  arms  of  the  Spaniards.  Not- 
withstanding the  scant}?-  force  of  Pizarro  and  Almagro,  and  the 
great  multitude  which  attended  Atahualpa,  the  reduction  of  the 
empire  of  the  Incas  was  effected  with  comparative  ease.  Nay, 
though  the  civil  dissensions  of  the  Spaniards  offered  striking  op- 
portunities to  the  Peruvians  of  vindicating  their  rights,  and  assert- 
ing their  independence,  they  uniformly  neglected  such  advantages, 
either  through  weakness  or  fear.  One  memorable  attempt  is  alone 
recorded — the  close  siege  which  the  successor  of  Atahualpa  laid 
to  Cuzco;  but  even  this  event,  favourable  as  it  was  in  every  re- 
spect to  the  Inca,  was  tamely  suffered  to  be  lost  through  a  want  of 
decision,  prudence,  and  perseverance. 

But,  despite  of  their  softness,  the  Peruvians  still  retained  a 
cruel  custom,  derived  from  remote  antiquity.  A  great  number  of 
people  suffered  death  whenever  an  Inca,  or  any  other  person  of 
distinction  paid  the  debt  of  nature.  These  victims  underwent 
their  fate,  in  order  that  the  illustrious  deceased  might  make  his 
entrance  into  the  other  world  with  a  becoming  retinue  and  splen- 
dour. This  savage  custom  was  preserved  with  scrupulous  rigid- 
ness  ;  and,  on  the  death  of  a  powerful  Inca,  it  is  asserted  that  no 
less  than  a  thousand  victims  were  sacrificed  to  make  his  cortege. 
into  the  regions  of  the  dead.  This  was  certainly  a  remnant  of 
barbarity,  in  contradiction  to  their  usual  suavity  of  manners;  but 
it  was  not  the  only  remnant  of  the  savage  state  exhibited  by  them. 
Another  practice,  universally  rejected  by  every  people  with  any 
pretensions  to  civilization,  was  continued  by  the  Peruvians.  Such 
was  the  custom  of  eating  their  meat  and  fish  raw,  although  they 


INTRODUCTION. 


knew  the  properties  of  fire,  and  even  made  use  of  it  while  pre- 
paring maize  and  other  vegetables. 

The  rights  of  property  in  Peru  were  not  so  strictly  defined  as 
in  Mexico.  They  partook  largely  of  a  patriarchal  and  primitive 
form  of  government.  The  land  was  portioned  out  into  three  di- 
visions ;  one  was  consecrated  to  the  divinity,  the  second  was 
reserved  for  the  Incas,  and  the  third  fell  to  the  people  at  large. 
The  first  share,  accordingly,  served  for  the  erection  of  temples, 
and  for  celebrating  the  worship  and  maintenance  of  the  priests; 
the  second  share  served  for  the  support  of  the  Inca  and  the  gov- 
ernment ;  and  the  third,  which  was  the  most  considerable,  was 
portioned  out  among  the  people.  These  possessions,  however, 
were  neither  hereditary  nor  permanent ;  but  a  new  division  took 
place  every  year,  when  the  distribution  was  again  made  according 
to  the  rank  or  necessity  then  offered  by  the  different  families. 
The  cultivation  of  these  lands  was  carried  on  by  the  joint  co-ope- 
ration of  the  public.  There  was  an  officer,  whose  duty  it  was  to 
summon  the  people  to  their  task.  This  was  performed  in  com- 
mon, at  the  sound  of  musical  instruments,  which  served  to  cheer 
the  toil  of  their  pursuits.  This  system  was  attended  with  bene- 
ficial results.  The  idea  of  mutual  aid,  and  a  community  in  inte- 
rests, naturally  engendered  a  feeling  of  kindred,  and  the  ties  of 
humanity  were  strengthened.  The  Peruvians  might  be  considered 
as  one  vast  family,  actuated  by  the  same  interests,  and  labouring 
towards  the  same  end. 

But,  notwithstanding  the  ties  of  affection  which  the  institutions 
introduced  by  the  Incas  were  calculated  to  produce,  we  must  not 
conclude  that  a  perfect  equality  existed  among  the  promiscuous 
members  of  the  community.  On  the  contrary,  the  difference  of 
ranks  and  distinctions  was  perfectly  understood,  and  firmly  estab- 
lished in  the  empire.  The  curacas,  or  captains,  enjoyed  a  degree 
of  importance  and  power  totally  unknown  among  the  less  favoured 
Peruvians,  whilst  a  multitude  of  the  natives  were  condemned  to 
a  state  of  servitude.  These  were  the  Yanaconas,  and  resembled 
very  much  the  Tamencs  of  the  Mexicans.  They  were,  like  them, 
employed  in  the  most  laborious  and  degrading  functions,  such  as 
carrying  burdens,  and  the  performance  of  all  mean  services.  The 
dress  and  the  dwellings  of  the  Yanaconas  were  different  from 
the  other  Peruvians  who  were  accounted  free.  The  class  of  the 
Orejones,  so  called  from  their  ears  being  adorned  with  pendants, 
answered  to  the  rank  of  the  modern  nobles.  Higher  than  these 
were  the  descendants  of  the  Sun,  who  enjoyed  privileges,  and  were 
held  in  veneration,  very  far  above  that  enjoyed  by  the  Orejones. 


INTRODUCTION. 

Agriculture  was  the  primary  object  of  attention  in  Peru,  and 
hence  the  progress  which  the  inhabitants  had  made  in  this  most 
useful  of  all  human  pursuits,  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish  invasion. 
Indeed  the  cultivation  of  the  earth  was  conducted  with  greater 
care,  more  importance,  and  superior  ingenuity,  to  those  of  any  other 
part  of  America.  As  the  agricultural  labours  were  carried  on  by 
order  and  under  the  surveillance  of  the  government,  the  quantity 
of  the  land  to  be  cultivated,  as  well  as  the  process  to  be  employed, 
was  not  left  to  the  caprice  or  ignorance  of  individuals,  but  was 
pointed  out  by  the  ruling  powers.  This  methodical  system  was 
productive  of  good  effects.  The  evils  consequent  on  a  bad  season 
were  never  felt;  because  the  products  set  apart  for  the  Sun  and 
the  Inca,  being  always  superior  to  the  consumption  required,  the 
overplus  was  consigned  to  storehouses,  and  afforded  provision  to 
the  public  at  large  in  times  of  scarcity  and  distress.  The  Peru- 
vians were  not  acquainted  with  the  use  of  the  plough,  but  this 
deficiency  was  in  part  supplied  by  the  hard  wooden  instruments 
which  they  employed  to  furrow  up  the  earth.  This  labour, 
though  hard  and  menial  in  appearance,  was  not  considered  de- 
grading. Both  sexes  joined  in  the  performance  of  it,  and  even 
the  Incas  exhibited  an  example  of  industry,  and  of  the  importance 
of  such  functions,  by  cultivating  a  piece  of  land  with  their  own 
hands. 

But  though  agricultural  pursuits  were  the  paramount  business 
of  the  Peruvians,  we  must  not  therefore  infer  that  their  ingenuity 
was  not  also  displayed  in  other  subjects.  Their  mode  of  building- 
requires  notice.  In  regions  beneath  a  mild  climate  and  sky,  their 
tenements  were  constructed  of  the  slightest  form ;  but  in  other 
districts  which  could  not  claim  the  same  advantages,  being  exposed 
to  the  vicissitudes  and  inclemencies  of  the  weather,  greater  strength 
and  solidity  were  employed.  Their  houses,  made  of  bricks  baked 
by  the  rays  of  the  sun,  were  square,  about  eight  feet  in  height, 
and  without  any  windows.  These  structures,  if  destitute  of  those 
ideas  of  comfort  which  naturally  occur  to  civilized  people,  an- 
swered, nevertheless,  by  their  durability,  the  purposes  for  which 
they  were  intended.  On  the  temples  of  the  Sun,  and  the  resi- 
dences of  the  Incas,  the  Peruvians  exerted  all  the  ingenuity  of 
which  they  were  capable,  and  all  the  knowledge  they  possessed. 
The  ruins  of  these  which  still  remain  in  the  various  provinces  of 
the  empire,  afford  a  sufficient  proof  that  they  are  the  monuments 
of  a  people  totally  removed  from  the  state  of  the  rude  savage. 
The  magnitude  of  these  buildings,  however,  was  displayed  more 
in  their  solidity  and  extent,  than  in  their  elevation.     Indeed,  the 


INTRODUCTION. 

great  temple  of  Pachreamac,  together  with  a  palace  of  the  Inca 
and  a  fortress,  forming  a  vast  mass  of  architecture,  stretched  more 
than  half  a  league,  while  its  height  was  not  more  than  twelve  feet. 
Nor  is  this  strange;  the  Peruvians,  not  knowing  the  use  of  the 
pulley,  or  the  resources  of  mechanism,  found  the  greatest  difficulty 
in  carrying  large  stones  to  any  elevation. 

The  construction  of  two  roads  from  Cuzco  to  Quito,  reflects  great 
praise  on  the  Incas,  and  shows  the  industry  of  the  people.  These 
roads  extended  above  fifteen  hundred  miles.  One  of  them  ran 
through  the  mountainous  district,  the  other  on  the  level  plain  near 
the  shore.  The  formation  of  the  road  through  the  mountain  must 
have  been  a  work  of  considerable  difficulty.  The  leveling  of  pro- 
minences, and  filling  up  of  hollow  places,  together  with  other 
operations,  must  have  required  much  toil  and  perseverance  in 
workmen  destitute  of  efficient  instruments  for  labour.  The  con- 
struction of  roads  led  to  other  improvements.  The  torrents  which 
rushed  down  from  the  Andes,  and  the  rivers  which  intersected 
the  country  in  many  places,  demanded  the  building  of  bridges. 
As  the  Peruvians  were  not  acquainted  with  the  means  of  working 
timber,  nor  with  the  manner  of  forming  arches,  they  supplied  the 
deficiency  by  forming  a  species  of  net-work  made  of  strong  cables, 
and  covered  with  rushes  and  clay.  Persons  were  appointed  to 
superintend  the  proper  repairs  of  these  bridges,  as  well  as  to  help 
passengers  in  crossing  them.  Balsas,  or  floats,  were  used  in 
crossing  rivers  when  they  became  broad  and  unruffled,  by  being 
situated  in  the  even  country.  These  balsas  were  constructed  with 
a  degree  of  skill  which  indicated  that  the  Peruvians  were  more 
advanced  in  the  science  of  navigation  than  any  other  people  of 
the  New  World.  In  general,  the  use  of  the  oar  was  the  limit  of 
the  nautical  knowledge  of  the  Indians,  whereas  the  Peruvians 
were  acquainted  with  the  resources  of  a  mast  and  sail,  by  the  aid 
of  which  they  were  enabled  to  scud  along  the  rivers  with  rapidity. 

The  ingenuity  of  the  Peruvians  was  not  limited  to  the  cultiva- 
tion of  those  arts  which  are  necessary  towards  the  support  and 
comfort  of  life  :  some  advancement  had  also  been  made  in  those 
which  argue  the  dawn  of  civilization.  They  worked  the  precious 
metals  in  which  their  country  abounded,  with  a  degree  of  skill 
equal,  if  not  superior,  to  that  displayed  by  the  Mexicans  in  their 
ornaments.  Many  specimens  of  these  attracted  the  attention  of 
the  Spaniards;  although,  by  the  previous  conquest  of  Mexico, 
they  were  accustomed  to  a  degree  of  improvement  among  the 
American  tribes. that  prepared  them  to  view  objects  with  a  less 
degree  of  surprise.    They  manufactured  mirrors  of  shining  stones, 


INTRODUCTION. 


which  they  worked  and  polished  with  amazing  dexterity.  They 
had  earthen  utensils  of  different  sizes  and  forms,  and  also  instru- 
ments of  various  kinds.  In  articles  of  mere  ornament  they  ex- 
celled ;  and,  considering  that  they  had  not  proper  implements  of 
workmanship,  and  were  totally  unacquainted  with  the  use  of  iron, 
their  ingenuity  deserves  high  praise.  Thus,  it  is  no  wonder  that 
the  Spanish  historians  should  have  been  lavish  of  their  eulogiums, 
when  speaking  on  the  subject.  Still,  great  deductions  must  be 
made  from  those  florid  accounts  ;  and  the  Peruvians,  despite  of 
their  skill,  did  not,  by  their  works  of  art,  justify  any  other  suppo- 
sition than  that  they  were  only  in  the  infancy  of  civilized  life. 
There  are  other  proofs  to  be  found  in  corroboration  of  this  conclu- 
sion. Although,  having  made  some  progress  in  the  useful  and 
even  liberal  arts,  the  Peruvians  were,  from  other  features  observa- 
ble in  their  society  and  manners,  little  entitled  to  that  degree  of 
polish  which  other  circumstances  seemed  to  argue.  The  do- 
minions of  the  Incas,  although  of  vast  extent,  and  comprising  a 
numerous  population,  were  destitute  of  that  requisite  which  is 
essential  in  determining  the  prosperity,  activity,  and  civilization 
of  a  nation.  This  was  the  total  want  of  cities  in  the  empire.  In- 
deed, Cuzco  was  the  only  place  that  bore  the  resemblance  of  a 
city  at  the  time  of  Pizarro's  invasion.  All  the  rest  of  the  country 
appeared  an  immense  waste,  thinly  scattered  with  small  villages, 
or  stray  habitations.  In  territories  so  extensive,  the  want  of  towns 
was  a  great  obstacle  to  the  progress  of  civilization.  Improvement 
both  in  manners  and  in  the  more  refined  arts,  must  have  been  so 
slow,  and  attended  with  such  disadvantages,  that,  as  Robertson 
justly  observes,  "  it  is  more  surprising  the  Peruvians  should  have 
advanced  so  far  in  refinement,  than  that  they  did  not  proceed 
further." 

The  distinction  of  professions,  and  variety  of  occupations,  were 
neither  so  complete,  nor  so  extensive,  as  in  Mexico.  The  number 
of  populous  cities  in  the  Mexican  empire,  by  bringing  men  into 
closer  contact,  also  gave  rise  to  new  wants,  and  made  necessity 
sharpen  ingenuity  to  provide  for  them.  Hence  arose  several 
crafts  totally  unpractised  in  Peru  ;  for  indeed  the  natives  of  this 
empire  might  be  said  to  form  one  vast  promiscuous  class,  daily 
occupied  in  pursuits  of  immediate  utility.  The  only  class  apart 
from  the  general  body  was  that  of  the  artificers,  engaged  in  mak- 
ing works  of  ornament.  Nor  were  the  operations  of  commerce 
better  understood.  Trade  springs  from  the  confluence  of  indi- 
viduals; and  it  is  only  when  men  settle  in  great  numbers,  in  one 
spot,  that  the  more  simple  operations  of  commerce   begin  to  take- 


INTRODUCTION. 


place.  The  advantages  of  barter  are  then  seen ;  originating  in 
the  necessity  of  procuring  from  other  places  those  articles  which 
are  wanted,  and  of  sending  in  exchange  those  of  which  there  is 
an  overplus.  In  the  Mexican  empire,  there  was  not  a  town  of 
any  consequence  which  did  not  possess  its  market-place,  where 
every  article  of  the  country  was  exposed  to  sale,  and  where  the 
ruder  operations  of  commerce  were  practised.  Nothing  of  the 
sort  was  to  be  found  in  Peru.  The  manner  in  which  they  pro- 
vided for  their  subsistence,  by  cultivating  the  earth  in  common, 
and  the  peculiar  character  of  their  life  and  institutions,  made  the 
intercourse  between  the  several  provinces  extremely  limited. 
There  were  few  inducements  for  traveling ;  and  men,  for  the 
most  part,  were  born,  passed  their  lives,  and  died,  in  the  same 
place.  Unless  when  led  to  the  field  of  battle  by  the  monarch, 
there  was  no  other  occasion  for  abandoning  the  tranquil  maimer 
of  living  which  the  Incas  had  introduced,  unless,  perhaps,  the 
event  of  accompanying  them  in  the  tours  which  they  were  now 
and  then  to  take  over  their  vast  dominions.  In  such  cases,  the 
Incas  and  their  retinue  used  to  halt  to  repose  themselves  at  the 
t umbos  or  storehouses,  placed  at  certain  intervals  over  the  country, 
for  the  accommodation  of  the  royal  train. 

The  simplicity  displayed  in  the  manners  of  the  Peruvians, 
was  equally  observable  in  their  legislature.  The  government  of 
the  Incas  was  the  most  absolute  that  can  be  conceived,  and  was 
so  intimately  connected  with  their  religious  tenets,  that  transgres- 
sions committed  by  the  natives  bore  equally  against  the  laws  of 
the  state  and  the  principles  of  conscience.  Indeed,  any  offence 
perpetrated  by  a  Peruvian,  was  considered  not  merely  as  a 
transgression  against  the  laws  of  human  society,  but  as  a  direct 
affront  towards  the  Divinity.  Such  an  impression  was.  of  ne- 
cessity, attended  with  a  legislature  simple  in  its  regulations, 
but  decisive  in  its  effects.  Rigor  was  the  pervading  principle  ; 
nor  Avas  any  distinction  pai d  to  the  various  shades  of  the  offence, 
nor  to  the  degree  of  mischief  which  the  commission  of  it  might 
produce  in  society.  Slight  offences  and  atrocious  crimes  called 
alike  for  retribution  ;  and  the  punishment  was  equal  in  both 
cases.  The  blood  of  the  guilty  was  alone  deemed  a  sufficient 
atonement  for  his  transgression  :  and  accord ingl  y,  the  award  of 
death  was  almost  indiscriminately  applied  to  delinquents.  The 
trial  also  was  summary,  and  the  punishment  followed  close  upon 
the  offence.  The  Peruvians  argued,  that  mercy  shown  towards 
an  offender,  was  cruelty  towards  the  virtuous  ;  the  distinction 
ought  to  be  strictly  marked.     But  if  their  notions  of  justice  were 


INTRODUCTION. 

in  this  instance  absurd,  they  exhibited  in  another  an  illustration 
of  its  essence  that  ought  to  make  more  modern  and  civilized  legis- 
latures blush.  Confiscation  never  followed  the  death  of  the 
offender;  for  they  deemed  it  unjust  to  visit  the  crimes  of  the 
father  upon  his  innocent  descendants.  The  extreme  severity  of 
the  Peruvian  laws,  would  be  attended  with  fatal  effects  among 
nations  of  more  ferocious  dispositions.  The  shedding  of  blood 
would  render  them  desperate,  and  reckless  of  consequences ;  but 
in  a  state  so  remarkable  both  for  simplicity  and  mildness  of  man- 
ners as  that  of  the  Peruvians,  such  results  could  not  be  appre- 
hended. Examples  of  severe  justice,  accordingly,  struck  the 
natives  with  awe  and  terror,  and  the  number  of  the  guilty  was 
excessively  limited. 

The  monarchy  founded  by  the  Incas,  though  in  reality  an 
absolute  despotism,  instead  of  producing  terror  among  their  sub- 
jects, was  attended  with  very  different  results  by  being  allied  to 
religious  superstition.  The  Peruvians  received  the  decrees  of 
their  sovereigns  as  emanations  from  the  divinity  itself.  They 
found  neither  repugnance  in  submitting,  with  the  most  profound 
humility,  to  such  dictates,  nor  experienced  difficulty  in  doing 
those  services  which  were  to  render  them  acceptable  to  the 
deity.  By  this  close  alliance,  therefore,  of  religious  tenets  with 
political  institutions,  the  ties  between  the  rulino-  power  avid  the 
people  were  more  closely  united.  The  obedience  which  the 
latter  offered  to  the  former,  was  an  act  of  spontaneous  feeling, 
rather  than  a  task  of  irksome  duty.  They  felt  no  degradation  in 
yielding  the  most  humble  reverence  to  a  power  of  heavenly 
origin  ;  and  at  the  very  time  that  the  Incas  governed  with  the 
most  absolute  sway,  they  were  cherished,  beloved,  and  respected. 
They  were  seen  in  the  light  of  fathers  and  protectors  of  the  com- 
munity, rather  than  capricious  and  selfish  rulers.  Thus  it  is  not 
surprising  that,  in  a  series  of  twelve  Incas  that  governed  succes- 
sively in  Peru,  there  was  not  one  who  merited  the  opprobrious 
distinction  of  tyrant  ;  or  that,  during  this  period,  no  examples  oi 
revolt  and  rebellion  should  be  found  in  the  traditions  of  the  coun- 
try against  the  power  and  authority  of  its  princes.  By  the  mere 
display  of  the  bowla,  an  ornament  of  the  head,  which  the  lnca 
wore  as  the  insignia  of  his  power  and  dignity,  those  intrusted 
with  official  functions  had  no  difficulty  in  accomplishing  their 
duties.  'J'li is  token  was  a  talisman  of  such  amazing  influence, 
that  the  lives  and  property  of  the  Peruvians  were  at  the  disposal 
of  its  possessor. 

From  what  has  been  said  it  will  be    found,  that  the   prevailing 


xxxii  INTRODUCTION. 

principle  of  the  institutions,  manners,  and  character  of  the  Peru- 
vians, was  mildness.  Indeed,  one  is  surprised  to  find  a  people 
of  so  unwarlike  a  disposition  among  the  rude  tribes  that  abound- 
ed in  the  New  World.  But  if  the  softness  of  the  natives,  and 
their  blind  obedience  to  the  laws  of  the  Incas,  were  the  means  of 
pushing  them  some  steps  forward  in  civilization,  the  same  cir- 
cumstances militated  in  other  respects  against  an  extraordinary 
advancement  in  social  life.  The  moral  energies  were  deteriorated 
by  that  kind  of  tame  domesticity  which  found  neither  induce- 
ment nor  necessity  for  activity.  Satisfied  with  their  own  man- 
ner of  living,  they  could  not  dream  of  a  better  order  of  things. 
Besides,  the  intimate  conviction  of  the  superiority  of  their  Incas, 
made  them  averse  to  all  manner  of  speculation.  The  superi- 
ority of  the  prince's  judgment  being  paramount  among  his  sub- 
jects, they  never  took  the  trouble  to  examine  its  infallibility.  The 
reasoning  faculties  were  thus  rendered  null;  while  the  compara- 
tive state  of  comfort  which  the  Peruvians  enjoyed,  by  rendering 
them  satisfied,  prevented  them  also  from  longing  for  a  better. 
Thus  it  may  be  said,  that,  though  superior  to  the  Mexicans  in 
many  respects,  they  were,  in  others,  far  from  approaching  to  that 
warlike  people. 

The  empire  of  Peru  'was  more  ancient  than  that  of  Mexico. 
But,  to  ascertain  the  exact  period  when  the  monarchy  was  estab- 
lished, would  be  a  difficult  task.  The  celebrated  Quipos,  or  knots 
on  cords,  which  it  is  asserted  formed  the  regular  annals  of  the 
country,  are  very  inadequate  to  convey  anything  like  distinct 
ideas  on  the  subject.  However  varied  the  knots,  they  could  not 
represent  past  events  with  the  least  approach  to  resemblance  ; 
whereas  the  Mexican  paintings  and  symbols,  however  rude,  sup- 
plied in  some  measure  the  deficiency  of  writing. 


HISTORY 


CONQUEST   OF  PEKU 


CHAPTER  I. 


Introductory  Remarks. — Account  of  the  first  Project  of  the  Conquest  of  Peru, 
and  of  the  three  Associates,  Francis  Pizarro,  Diego  de  Almagro,  and  Hernando 
Luque. 

The  conquest  of  Mexico,  and  the  extraordinary  events  to  which 
that  gigantic  undertaking  had  given  rise,  far  from  subduing,  served 
but  to  increase  the  desire  of  the  Spaniards  for  adventure  and  the 
acquisition  of  wealth.  After  the  reduction  of  the  Mexican  capital, 
its  conquerors  were  unwilling  to  repose  under  the  shade  of  their 
laurels  while  a  fresh  wreath  awaited  their  gathering.  Indeed, 
their  dauntless  resolution  in  braving  dangers  and  magnanimous 
endurance  under  hardships  and  privation,  had,  as  yet,  if  meas- 
ured by  the  standard  of  their  own  expectations,  been  crowned  by 
a  very  indifferent  reward.  The  spoils  divided  among  the  veterans 
of  Hernan  Cortes  bore  no  proportion  to  the  sanguine  hopes  which 
the  vastness  and  wealth  of  the  Mexican  empire  had  naturally 
awakened.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  the  companions 
of  that  chief  should,  after  their  successes,  be  desirous  of  under- 
taking other  conquests,  which,  if  not  so  splendid  as  their  last, 
might  be  at  least  more  profitable.  Vrarious  expeditions  were  ac- 
cordingly undertaken,  with  that  spirit  of  discovery  and  adventure 
so  conspicuous  in  the  Spaniards,  and  which  was  in  fact  a  charac- 
teristic feature  of  the  times. 

No  boundaries  were  placed  to  the  fanciful  visions  of  the  Span- 
iards, or  their  wild  ambition.  Their  vivid  imaginations  seemed 
to  acquire  additional  warmth,  and  their  hopes  became  more  extra va- 

;i 


34  HISTORY  OF  THE 


gant  with  every  fresh  discovery,  or  new  enterprise.  The  insatiable 
and  reckless  adventurers  were  ever  ready  to  risk  the  property 
they  had  acquired,  at  the  expense  of  so  much  peril  and  suffering, 
in  pursuit  of  their  ruling  passion;  and  neither  disappointment, 
nor  the  most  appalling  hardships,  were  sufficient  to  deter  them 
from  their  headlong  and  obstinate  career.  By  this  means  the  con- 
tinent of  America  became  every  day  more  widely  explored  and 
better  known.  Colonies  arose  up  in  various  parts  of  the  country  ; 
settlements  increased  with  amazing  rapidity;  new  ones  succeeded 
those  which  were  abandoned;  and,  no  sooner  was  there  a  town  of 
any  importance  in  a  flourishing  condition,  than  the  authorities  and 
leading  inhabitants  of  the  place  began  to  revel  in  the  visions  of 
empires  which  were  to  be  discovered  and  conquered  by  their 
means.  From  the  conquest  of  the  vast  empire  of  Mexico,  very 
naturally  arose  the  belief  that  other  regions,  equal  in  extent  and 
wealth,  existed  in  America.  But  the  real  situation  of  these  territo- 
ries baffled  the  conjectures  of  their  intended  conquerors.  Whether 
they  were  to  direct  their  attention  to  the  north  or  the  south;  whe- 
ther they  ought  to  penetrate  into  the  inland  country,  or  limit  their 
efforts  and  hopes  to  maritime  discovery,  was  a  subject  of  much 
perplexity  and  doubt.  The  failure  of  repeated  attempts,  or  the 
disappointment  of  indifferent  results,  could  neither  check  nor 
dishearten  speculations  which  were  so  strongly  tinctured  with  the 
spirit  of  romance. 

But,  however  wild  the  hopes  conceived  by  the  Spaniards,  and 
however  extravagant  the  confidence  they  placed  in  their  own 
powers,  they  certainly  could  never  have  imagined,  much  less 
reasonably  expected,  the  rapidity  with  which  the  conquest  of 
Peru  was  achieved,  or  the  immense  importance  of  those  regions 
subjected  to  the  Spanish  crown.  The  events  which  had  marked 
the  career  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  various  stages  of  their  expedition 
against  Mexico — the  dangers  which  had  encompassed  them — and 
the  obstinate  and  frightful  resistance  of  the  inhabitants  of  those 
territories, — might  have  taught  the  European  adventurers  that, 
however  endowed  they  might  be  with  courage  and  perseverance, 
prudence  urged  the  expediency  of  adopting  measures  more  in 
accordance  with  the  dimensions  of  their  projected  undertakings. 
But,  strange  to  relate,  in  direct  opposition  to  such  obvious  reason- 
ing, the  armaments  fitted  out  with  the  intent  of  vanquishing  nations, 
were  not  only  trifling,  but,  it  would  appear,  almost  ridiculous.  If 
we  are  struck  at  the  slender  resources  with  which  Hernan  Cortes 
pursued,  and  put  a  triumphant  end  to  his  expedition,  our  wonder 
will  increase  the  more  upon  a  strict  survey  of  the  means  with 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  35 

which  the  conquerors  of  Peru  first  ventured  upon  their  enterprise. 
Our  surprise,  however,  will  cease  when  we  reflect  on  the  charac- 
ter of  the  natives,  who  offered  a  striking  contrast  to  the  Mexicans, 
by  their  inoffensive  manners  and  pacific  disposition,  and  who,  far 
from  presenting  a  formidable  front  to  the  invaders,  appeared  more 
like  a  motley  multitude  devoted  to  sacrifice,  and  prepared  to  yield 
an  easy  triumph  to  the  enemy.  But  though  the  conquerors  of 
Peru  can  claim  but  little  merit  for  the  exertion  of  military  quali- 
ties in  their  war  with  the  natives,  if  we  look  at  the  frightful 
sufferings  they  endured,  and  the  heroic  perseverance  with  which 
they  prosecuted  their  exploit,  they  will  be  found  to  deserve  equal, 
if  not  superior  admiration,  with  the  companions  of  Cortes. 

In  the  year  1513,  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa,  a  young  gentleman 
of  great  abilities,  and  possessed  of  extraordinary  courage,  after  a 
variety  of  toils  and  difficulties,  discovered  the  South  Sea.  From 
that  moment  the  colonists  of  Panama  turned  their  thoughts  towards 
the  wealth  of  those  unknown  regions  to  which  it  might  afford 
access.  Balboa  himself  had  prepared  an  expedition  of  which  he 
was  to  take  the  command;  but  was  unhappily  prevented  by  an 
untimely  death,  having  fallen  a  victim  to  the  jealousies  of  Pedro 
de  Arias.  Other  adventurers  determined  to  follow  the  course 
which  he  had  traced  out.  xlccordingly,  new  armaments  were 
equipped  to  explore  and  subdQe  the  regions  to  the  east  of  Panama. 
Either  owing  to  the  incapacity  of  the  leaders,  the  want  of  suffi- 
cient perseverance,  or  other  causes,  these  attempts  did  not  succeed; 
and  every  new  essay  was  attended  with  discouraging  disappoint- 
ment. The  Spaniards  had  only  been  able  to  make  excursions  in 
Tierra  Firma,  a  territory  scantily  peopled,  filled  with  forests,  and 
possessing  an  unhealthy  climate.  Hence  the  adventurers  were 
exposed  to  a  series  of  calamities  which  tended  at  once  to  weaken 
their  energies,  and  damp  the  ardent  longings  of  their  imaginations. 
They  therefore  retraced  their  course  to  Panama,  bringing  the 
most  dismal  accounts  of  the  places  they  had  visited.  The  ardour 
of  the  Spaniards  began  at  length  to  suffer  from  these  repeated 
disappointments.  They  for  the  first  time  admitted  the  possibility 
that  their  imaginations  had  deceived  them,  and  that  the  hopes 
which  Nunez  de  Balboa  had  created  ought  to  be  discarded  as 
visionary. 

But  the  general  opinion  which  now  prevailed  at  Panama,  was 
not  sufficient  to  convince  some  persons  as  to  the  fallacy  of  their 
favourite  schemes.  The  failure  of  former  attempts  was  treated 
with  indifference,  and  new  exertions  were  called  forth  towards  a 
more  successful  prosecution  of  the  enterprise.     In  the  number  of 


36  HISTORY  OF  THE 

those  resolute  individuals,  there  were  three  who,  conceiving  them- 
selves to  be  endowed  with  greater  powers,  and  possessing  more 
ample  means  than  the  rest  of  their  countrymen,  began  seriously 
to  think  of  venturing,  on  their  own  account,  in  an  expedition  of 
discovery  and  conquest.  In  this  triumvirate  originated  the  con- 
quest of  the  vast  regions  of  Peru  ;  and  in  this  instance  we  again 
perceive  that  waywardness  of  fate  which  was  so  remarkable  in  all 
the  transactions  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  New  World.  There  is 
something  almost  incredible,  not  to  say  absurd,  in  the  circumstance 
of  three  private  persons,  settled  in  an  infant  colony,  quietly  delibe- 
rating, and  coolly  resolving  to  embark  into  schemes  which  had  for 
their  object  the  overturning  and  subjugation  of  vast  and  powerful 
regions. 

The  leader — the  sole  and  principal  hope  of  this  strange  confede- 
racy— was  a  soldier  of  fortune  called  Francis  Pizarro,  a  name 
which  holds  one  of  the  most  prominent  stations  in  the  annals  of 
the  American  conquest,  but  which,  though  gilded  by  the  lustre  of 
many  great  deeds  and  extraordinary  qualities,  is  unfortunately  so 
tarnished  by  acts  of  bloodshed  and  atrocity,  as  to  have  earned  for 
its  possessor  the  title  of  a  sanguinary  monster,  rather  than  that  of 
a  glorious  conqueror.  The  memory  of  Pizarro  has  been  consigned 
to  execration  by  the  majority  of  mankind  ;  but  this  feeling  is,  how- 
ever, not  free  from  exaggeration  and" prejudice.  Without  justify- 
ing the  cruel  deeds  which  signalized  the  reduction  of  Peru,  we 
shall  present  an  impartial  recital  of  the  history  of  its  conquest,  so 
that  the  reader  may  form  his  own  estimate  of  good  and  evil,  ac- 
cording to  the  suggestions  of  his  judgment. 

The  origin  of  the  famous  Francis  Pizarro  is  involved  in  shame. 
He  was  the  unlawful  offspring  of  a  guilty  connection  between  a 
Spanish  gentleman  of  distinction,  and  a  woman  of  the  lowest  rank. 
He  was  born  in  Trujillo,  a  considerable  town  in  Estremadura, 
where  he  passed  his  earliest  years  totally  neglected  by  his  parents. 
Indeed,  so  ungenerous  were  the  ideas  which  Pizarro's  father 
entertained  towards  his  son,  that  he  denied  him  the  advantages  of 
the  most  simple  rudiments  of  education,  an  ignorance  which  proved 
in  the  sequel  a  fruitful  source  of  pain  and  annoyance  to  the  con- 
queror of  Peru.  Having  but  a  mean  opinion  of  the  capabilities  of 
young  Pizarro,  or  actuated  by  even  less  justifiable  motives,  his 
unnatural  parent  placed  his  child  in  the  base  station  of  a  hogdriver, 
as  soon  as  he  had  attained  the  first  dawn  of  manhood.  Pizarro 
could  not  tamely  brook  this  ignoble  occupation.  Nature  had  en- 
dowed him  with  capabilities  and  feelings  which  spurned  with 
indignation  such  base  pursuits,  and  had  implanted  in  his  heart  an 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  37 

ambition  directly  in  opposition  to  the  lowly  fate  to  which  he  had 
been  condemned  by  his  father.  He  accordingly  seized  the  first 
opportunity  of  quitting  his  degrading  employment,  and  enlisted  as 
a  soldier  in  a  company  destined  to  serve  in  Italy.  In  this  country 
he  continued  several  years,  during  which  he  gave  indications  of 
that  hardy  frame  and  resolute  courage  which  were  to  render  him 
so  celebrated  in  the  future.  But  Italy  offered  a  very  narrow  field 
either  for  the  display  of  his  powers,  or  the  indulgence  of  his  am- 
bition. The  strict  military  discipline  enjoined  in  the  army,  and 
the  remote  chances  of  promotion  which  obscure  adventurers  could 
hope  for,  when  in  competition  Avith  men  regularly  brought  up  to 
the  service,  and  backed  by  the  patronage  of  powerful  friends, 
naturally  disgusted  Pizarro,  who  could  not  endure  the  probability 
of  remaining  all  his  life  a  private  soldier. 

The  adventurer  of  that  age  looked  with  a  fond  and  confident 
eye  towards  the  New  World.  There,  the  display  of  natural  powers 
earned  for  their  possessors  more  than  the  most  prosperous  patron- 
age could  effect.  There,  the  merit,  the  services  of  the  individual, 
could  alone  entitle  him  to  success  and  to  reward.  Besides  the 
romantic  character  of  the  enterprises  in  America,  they  were  more 
in  unison  with  the  rovingtemper  and  ardent  imagination  of  a  soldier 
of  fortune.  Pizarro  accordingly  followed  the  example  of  many  of 
his  brethren  in  arms,  and  embarked  for  the  New  World,  where  he 
soon  attracted  notice,  by  the  decision  of  his  character  and  by  his 
readiness  to  venture  upon  the  most  perilous  undertakings.  In  the 
year  1513,  he  accompanied  the  governor,  Alonso  de  Hojeda,  in 
the  conquest  and  foundation  of  the  settlement  of  Uraba,  where  he 
Avas  left  in  the  station  of  lieutenant,  and  where  he  experienced 
severe  trials  from  the  privations  to  which  he  was  exposed,  and 
from  the  attacks  of  the  Indians.  We  afterwards  find  Pizarro  en- 
gaged in  the  famous  expedition  of  Ilernan  Cortes,  by  whom  he 
appears  to  have  been  held  in  considerable  esteem.  He  distin- 
guished himself  on  several  occasions  during  this  memorable  under- 
taking, especially  in  the  attack  against  Narvaez.  He  also  accom- 
panied Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  in  his  famous  expedition  for  the 
discovery  of  the -great  Southern  Ocean,  and  was  moreover  one  of 
the  most  distinguished  companions  of  Pedro  Arias  de  Avila  in  the. 
conquest  of  Nombre  de  Dion  and  Panama.  In  these  various  and 
important  scenes,  he  displayed  extraordinary  powers  both  of  frame 
and  of  mind.  The  former  could  neither  be  broken  by  labour  nor 
fatigue;  the  latter  was  neither  appalled  nor  subdued  by  danger 
and  disappointment.  Every  operation  with  which  he  was  in- 
trusted succeeded ;  and  the  eager  alacrity  which  he  exhibited  on 


3S  HISTORY  OF  THE 

all  occasions,  pointed  him  out  not  only  as  a  ready,  but  a  most 
efficient  coadjutor  in  the  most  important  enterprises.  Though  his 
education  had  been  so  lamentably  neglected,  that  he  knew  not 
even  how  to  read,  yet  owing  to  the  necessity  of  depending  on  his 
own  exertions,  and  the  struggles  which  he  had  to  encounter  from 
want  of  mental  acquirements  in  his  intercourse  with  the  world,  the 
powers  of  his  mind  became  concentrated,  and  early  brought  to 
maturity,  without  the  aid  of  foreign  cultivation ;  and,  though  a 
stranger  to  refinement,  and  totally  devoid  of  erudition,  they  had 
supplied  him  with  that  knowledge  of  mankind  which  stands  para- 
mount in  furthering  the  plans  of  the  daring  and  ambitious.  It  is 
not  surprising,  therefore,  that  Francis  Pizarro  should  have  been 
held  in  much  regard  among  his  countrymen  with  such  claims  to 
their  consideration,  nor  that  he  should  have  been  looked  upon  as 
a  person  of  chief  note  among  the  colonists  of  Panama,  where  he 
now  resided  with  considerable  riches,  which  he  had  acquired  by 
a  series  of  great  services  in  the  various  events  in  which  he  had 
been  concerned. 

Pizarro,  bent  on  the  promotion  of  his  favourite  scheme  of  dis- 
covering and  conquering  a  great  empire,  made  a  compact  with 
his  two  associates,  who  were  men  of  great  influence  in  the  colony. 
The  origin  of  Diego  de  Almagro  was  equally  obscure  with  that  of 
his  colleague.  He  was  a  foundling,  and  was  born,  according  to 
some,  in  Malagon,  according  to  others  in  Almagro;  which  last  was 
probably  his  true  birth-place,  from  the  identity  of  the  names.  He, 
like  Pizarro,  was  a  soldier  of  fortune,  trained  up  in  the  severe 
service  of  the  camp,  and  inured,  from  early  life,  to  hardships  and 
privations.  In  the  military  virtues  he  yielded  not  to  his  daring 
companion,  though  he  was  certainly  his  inferior  in  mind.  Alma- 
gro was  a  frank,  intrepid,  and  conspicuous  soldier;  but  in  Pizarro, 
the  qualities  which  constitute  a  brave  chief  were  strongly  mixed 
with  that  craft  and  facility  in  subtile  expedients,  which  are  neces- 
sary to  form  the  politician.  Almagro  knew  how  to  fight,  and 
how  to  support  adversity;  but  he  was  not  endowed  with  that 
knowledge  of  the  world — that  profound  reserve  of  his  own  views, 
which  enabled  Pizarro  to  read  the  feelings  of  Other  men,  while 
he  could  at  pleasure  conceal  his  own. 

Hernando  Luque,  the  third  associate,  was  an  ecclesiastic,  with 
some  small  pretensions  to  learning,  on  which  account  he  com- 
bined in  his  person  the  capacities  of  parish-priest  and  school- 
master to  the  colony.  He  was  a  man  of  substance  ;  and  being 
strongly  possessed  with  the  ambitious  spirit  of  the  times,  he  had 
resolved  to  make  his  money  the  stepping-stone  to  future  greatness, 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  39 

since  his  sacred  functions  prevented  him  from  following  his  for- 
tune as  a  military  leader.  Such  were  the  three  individuals  who 
now  seriously  entered  on  a  compact  so  singular  and  extraordinary, 
as  to  have  no  parallel  in  history.  The  confederacy  having  ob- 
tained the  approbation  of  Pedro  Arias  de  Avila,  the  Governor  of 
Panama,  to  their  projects,  now  bound  themselves  by  a  solemn  oath 
to  act  in  concert  for  the  promotion  of  their  gigantic  enterprise. 
For  this  purpose,  all  the  property  of  the  three  associates  was  to 
be  brought  to  a  common  fund,  and  a  perfect  participation  of  their 
joint  effects  was  agreed  upon  without  hesitation.  As  Pizarro  was, 
however,  the  least  favoured  of  the  three  in  point  of  wealth,  it  was 
agreed  that  he  should  make  up  for  the  deficiency,  by  accepting  the 
part  of  greatest  fatigue  and  danger  in  the  undertaking.  This  ar- 
rangement was  most  satisfactory  to  all  parties  ;  Pizarro,  from  his 
adventurous  temper,  being  willing  to  take  the  lead,  and  his  com- 
panions placing  great  reliance  in  his  courage,  resolution,  and 
dauntless  perseverance.  Almagro  was  to  conduct  the  supplies 
that  were  to  follow  in  the  track  of  the  first  armament ;  whilst  Luque 
offered  to  remain  in  Panama,  to  raise  fresh  reinforcements,  arrange 
affairs  with  the  governor,  and  promote  all  measures  conducive  to 
the  general  good. 

These  arrangements  being  concluded,  the  associates,  in  con- 
formity with  that  spirit  of  enthusiasm  which  governed  the  opera- 
tions of  the  Spaniards  in  America,  and  in  order  to  give  more 
weight  to  their  treaty,  now  hastened  to  ratify  their  engagements 
by  a  solemn  act  of  religion.  Luque,  after  saying  mass,  divided 
the  holy  host  into  three  portions,  of  which  he  took  one  himself, 
whilst  the  other  two  he  administered  to  his  companions.  Every- 
thing being  now  ready,  Pizarro  was  anxious  for  his  departure. 
This  he  accomplished  on  the  14th  of  November,  1525,  but  with 
so  slender  a  force  as  to  appear  totally  inadequate  to  the  success  of 
a  minor  excursion,  much  less  of  an  undertaking  which  had  in  view 
the  subjugation  of  a  mighty  empire.  He  set  sail  in  a  single  vessel, 
with  a  force  of  one  hundred  and  fourteen  men.*  He  was  for  some 
times  buffeted  by  the  winds  and  waves,  till  at  last  he  landed  in  a 
mountainous  and  dismal  country,  covered  with  swamps,  and  de- 
luged with  continual  rain.  The  natives  of  this  part  of  Tierra 
Firma  were  few  in  number,  but  furious  and  indomitable.  The 
Spaniards  were  thus  exposed  to  a  very  calamitous  fate.  The 
horrors  of  hunger  and  fatigue  were  rendered  doubly  distressing 
by  the  distempers  natural  to  the  climate,  and  by  the  attacks  which 

*  G.  do  la  Vega. 


40  HISTORY  OF  THE 

they  continually  sustained  from  the  Indians.  These  combined 
causes  soon  produced  a  sensible  diminution  in  the  number  of  the 
Spaniards,  which,  together  with  the  protracted  delay  in  the  reali- 
zation of  those  golden  visions  which  had  so  powerfully  actuated 
the  thoughts  of  those  adventurers,  now  tended  to  aggravate  the 
pangs  of  disappointment,  and  disseminate  discontent  among  the 
slender  band.  Pizarro  endeavoured  to  raise  their  drooping  spirits; 
but  perceiving  at  length  no  amelioration  of  fortune,  with  a  sorrow- 
ful, though  undaunted  heart,  he  conducted  his  followers  to  Chuc- 
hama,  where  he  resolved  to  await  a  supply  from  Panama,  and  to 
pass  the  interval  in  tending  his  wounds,  and  allowing  some  respite 
of  suffering  to  his  soldiers. 

Diego  de  Almagro  had  meantime  left  the  colony  with  a  rein- 
forcement of  seventy  men,  and,  having  effected  a  landing,  was  for 
some  time  subject  to  the  same  calamities  which  had  assailed  his 
companions.  After  a  variety  of  adventures,  he  was  obliged  to 
encounter  the  natives  in  a  dreadful  conflict,  which  proved  disastrous 
to  the  Spaniards,  and  in  which  Almagro  lost  an  eye  from  a  wound 
inflicted  by  an  arrow.  This  discomfiture  compelled  the  invaders 
to  relinquish  their  enterprise,  and  re-embark  without  delay. 
Exhausted  in  frame,  and  disheartened  in  mind,  the  unfortunate 
adventurers  now  wandered  without  any  settled  determination, 
until,  by  mere  accident,  they  discovered  the  retreat  of  their  equally 
distressed  companions.  Their  natural  sorrows  wrere  greatly  alle- 
viated by  this  meeting  ;  and,  after  recounting  their  respective  suf- 
ferings and  adventures,  they  concluded  by  encouraging  each 
other  to  persevere,  and  mutually  called  up  flattering  expectations 
of  future  success.  After  many  consultations,  it  was  resolved  that 
Almagro  should  return  to  Panama,  in  order  to  raise  a  fresh  sup- 
ply, as  the  band  was  now  so  fearfully  reduced  as  to  be  unable  to 
proceed  in  the  expedition.  Indeed,  the  sufferings  which  they  had 
endured,  and  the  mortality  which  had  prevailed  among  the  sol- 
diers, were  enough  to  deter  the  stoutest  heart  from  a  renewal  of 
such  calamities.  Of  a  hundred  and  eighty-two  men,  which  was 
the  amount  of  the  two  bands  commanded  by  Pizarro  and  Almagro, 
a  hundred  and  thirty  perished  in  the  short  space  of  nine  months ; 
and  as  very  few  fell  in  battle,  the  majority  were  the  victims  of 
mortal  diseases.*  Thus,  only  about  fifty  Spaniards  remained  alive, 
and  even  these  were  broken  down  by  severe  hardships,  and  almost 
unfitted  for  active  service. 

But  to  abandon  the  enterprise  appeared  to  the  chiefs,  as  well 

*  Xeres 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  41 

as  to  the  most  magnanimous  of  their  followers,  a  disgrace,  more 
galling,  more  terrible,  than  any  difficulties  whatever  fate  might 
have  in  reserve.  Almagro,  therefore,  in  compliance  with  the 
resolutions  taken,  returned  to  Panama,  and  lost  no  time,  in  con- 
junction with  Luque,  in  recruiting  adventurers  to  join  the  expe- 
dition. His  efforts  were  not  crowned  with  the  desired  effect.  For 
a  long  time  he  was  unable  to  muster  anything  resembling  a  mili- 
tary body.  Despite  of  the  sanguine  temperament  and  adventu- 
rous spirit  of  the  Spaniards,  the  severe  disasters  which  had  attend- 
ed the  companions  of  Pizarro  and  Almagro,  were  of  a  nature  to 
chill  the  most  ardent  temper,  and  to  check  the  ambition  of  the 
most  reckless.  Accordingly,  it  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty  that 
the  associates  could  levy  a  force  of  about  eighty  men.  Despairing 
of  further  augmentation  to  their  number,  Almagro  set  out  with  this 
small  reinforcement,  and  joined  his  companions  at  Chuchama. 
Pizarro  welcomed  the  arrival  of  Almagro  with  renewed  hopes; 
nor  was  the  slender  body  by  which  he  saw  him  attended  sufficient 
to  damp  his  spirits;  and  the  two  associates  immediately  entered 
into  a  consultation  on  the  plan  they  ought  to  adopt. 

After  a  series  of  troubles  and  disappointments,  Almagro,  Pizarro, 
and  their  scanty  band  of  followers,  touched  at  Tacamez,  on  the 
coast  of  Quito,  where  they  found  the  aspect  of  the  country  more 
promising  than  they  had  hitherto  met  with  in  the  course  of  their 
excursions.  The  ground  was  level,  symptoms  of  vegetation  were 
discernible  everywhere,  and,  what  attracted  still  more  the  imagi- 
nation of  the  adventurers,  they  perceived  incontestable  signs  of  the 
wealth  of  the  country.  The  inhabitants  wore  ornaments  of  eme- 
ralds and  gold,  the  appearance  of  which  was  very  alluring  to  the 
adventurers;  but  the  joy  which  it  produced  was  of  short  duration; 
for  the  natives  soon  collected  in  great  numbers  from  every  side, 
well  armed  and  prepared  for  battle.  Pizarro's  men,  both  from  the 
paucity  of  their  numbers,  the  diseases  under  which  they  laboured, 
and  the  severe  and  continued  hardships  which  they  had  been 
obliged  to  undergo,  were  not  in  a  situation  to  engage  with  so 
formidable  an  enemy.  Their  commander,  accordingly,  resolved 
on  a  prudent  retreat  for  the  present,  which  was  fortunately  effected 
to  the  island  of  Gallo. 


42  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  II. 

Distresses  of  the  Spaniards  and  their  heroic  Resolution. — New  efforts  ofPizarro 
and  his  Associates. 

Pizarro  and  Almagro  were  now  sensibly  alive  to  the  difficulties 
of  their  situation.  The  severe  hardships  which  they  had  hitherto 
encountered  produced  the  most  melancholy  results  on  their  fol- 
lowers. Though  ardent  in  the  pursuit  of  their  object,  and  not 
easily  to  be  daunted  by  toil  and  suffering,  many  of  the  soldiers 
began  to  look  with  despondency  on  the  issue  of  the  undertaking. 
The  same  spirit  which  had,  on  several  occasions,  actuated  the 
soldiers  of  Cortes,  now  influenced  the  minds  of  the  Spaniards 
under  Pizarro.  This  able  commander  soon  perceived  the  mischief 
which  this  tendency  to  dissatisfaction  would  produce,  if  suffered 
to  acquire  strength.  He  accordingly  directed  his  endeavours  to 
raise  the  hopes  of  his  soldiers,  representing  to  them  the  glory  of 
the  enterprise,  and  the  rewards  which  were  to  crown  its  accom- 
plishment. The  lessons  which  he  had  acquired  from  Cortes  in  the 
conquest  of  Mexico,  were  now  turned  to  great  advantage;  and, 
whilst  he  harangued  his  companions,  and  strove  to  excite  a  corre- 
sponding feeling  of  daring  and  confidence,  he  was  not  unmindful 
of  other  secret  expedients  of  policy. 

Both  he  and  Almagro  perceived  the  necessity  of  preventing 
their  followers  from  keeping  up  any  correspondence  with  their 
friends  at  Panama.  They  were  aware  that  a  representation  of  the 
sufferings  they  had  endured,  and  of  the  precariousness  of  their 
present  situation,  would  tend  to  deter  other  adventurers  from  join- 
ing their  fortunes.  Almagro,  therefore,  refused  to  be  attended  by 
any  of  his  followers  upon  his  return  to  Panama,  under  pretence 
that  his  companions  ought  to  be  left  in  possession  of  every  resource, 
in  order  to  be  prepared  for  any  contingency.  He  also  objected  to 
bearing  any  letters  from  his  companions,  thinking,  by  this  means, 
to  thwart  the  intentions  of  the  discontented.  But,  despite  of  the 
vigilance  of  the  two  chiefs,  the  desponding  portion  of  their  fol- 
lowers succeeded  in  conveying  to  their  friends  a  lamentable  ac- 
count of  their  misfortunes.  The  manner  in  which  this  was  con- 
trived appears  not  destitute  of  ingenuity.  One  Saravia  sent  a 
representation  of  their  troubles,  and  of  their  anxiety  to  be  freed 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  43 

from  their  present  state  of  thraldom,  hidden  in  a  hall  of  cotton- 
thread,  which  he  sent  to  a  friend,  under  pretext  of  having  a  pair 
of  stockings  made.  This  document  concluded  with  four  doggerel 
lines,  expressive  of  their  sentiments  with  regard  to  their  leaders. 
They  were  as  follows: — 

"  Oh  Governor,  incline  your  ear, 

And  ponder  well  our  state, 
While  the  butcher  lingers  here, 

The  gatherer  is  gone  to  bait."* 

alluding  to  Almagro  and  Pizarro,  who  were  characterized  by  those 
two  epithets.  This  stratagem  produced  the  desired  effect.  Upon 
the  arrival  of  Almagro  at  Panama,  he  was  received  by  the  new 
governor,  Pedro  de  los  Rios,  with  a  degree  of  coldness  and  reserve 
which  he  was  far  from  anticipating.  Instead  of  lending  a  favour- 
able ear  to  the  expostulations  of  Almagro,  Los  Rios  made  up  his 
mind  in  a  very  short  time  to  adopt  a  line  of  conduct  in  direct  op- 
position to  his  wishes.  Incapable  himself  of  daring  exploits  or 
extraordinary  exertions,  he  considered  an  enterprise  encompassed 
with  so  many  difficulties,  and  attended  with  such  loss  of  men, 
without  affording  any  striking  probability  of  success,  as  likely  to 
prove  materially  detrimental  to  the  interests  of  an  infant  colony. 
Partly  actuated  by  these  considerations,  and  partly  persuaded  by 
the  friends  of  those  who  longed  to  return  to  Panama,  the  governor 
now  issued  a  decree  to  forbid  the  levying  of  any  farther  supplies, 
and  even  dispatched  a  vessel  to  the  island  of  C4allo,  carrying  strict 
injunctions  that  Pizarro  and  his  companions  should  return  to 
Panama. 

Almagro,  who  had  by  this  time  succeeded  in  procuring  adven- 
turers, was  much  chagrined  at  this  determination  ;  but  neither  he, 
nor  his  associate  Luque,  considered  this  circumstance  as  sufficient 
to  crush  their  hopes  of  future  greatness.  Far  from  joining  in 
the  prevailing  murmur  against  the  expedition,  they  conveyed 
private  intelligence  to  their  companions  of  their  real  sentiments. 
They  urged  him  to  oppose  the  peremptory  orders  of  the  governor, 
and  to  persevere  in  the  original  design — solemnly  pledging  them- 
selves, at  the  same  time,  to  strain  every  effort  to  procure  him  all 
the  assistance  in  their  power.  Pizarro  wanted  neither  persuasion 
nor  allurement  to  induce  him  to  prosecute  his  favourite  scheme. 
His   natural  obstinacy,  and  total  contempt  of  difficulties,  would 


'•'  Pun  senor  flobemador 
Mirelo  liicn  por  entero, 
Que  alia'  va  el  recogodor 
Y  aqwi  mieda  il  caruicero 


44  HISTORY  OF  THE 


have  prompted  him  to  perseverance,  even  without  the  expostula- 
tions of  his  colleagues.  Accustomed  from  early  life  to  suffering 
and  danger,  inured  to  hardships,  and  trained  up  to  view  uncon- 
cerned the  most  strange  vicissitudes,  no  disappointment,  however 
great,  was  able  to  break  down  his  expectations — no  difficulty, 
however  perplexing,  had  power  to  make  him  forego  his  designs. 
The  extraordinary  events  which  had  characterized  the  conquest 
of  Mexico  probably  dwelt  on  his  mind;  and  that  mind,  already 
possessing  a  singular  share  of  energy,  acquired  additional  stimu- 
lus from  the  lesson  that  past  events  afforded. 

Pizarro,  accordingly,  boldly  resolved  to  disregard  the  injunc- 
tions sent  by  the  governor.  His  disobedience  might  be  attended 
with  much  danger;  but  the  time  was  arrived  to  adopt  decided  and 
desperate  measures.  Should  he,  after  the  repeated  disappoint- 
ments which  had  accompanied  his  own  attempts,  as  well  as  those 
made  on  former  occasions,  be  induced  to  obey  the  orders  of  Los 
Rios,  for  his  return,  he  could  not  entertain  the  remotest  hope  of 
ever  again  being  able  to  find  men  ready  to  embark  on  so  stale  and 
unsuccessful  an  undertaking.  Such  an  idea  to  a  man  of  sanguine 
temper  and  resolute  character — a  man  who  had,  besides,  staked 
his  whole  substance  in  favour  of  the  scheme — could  not  but  con- 
vey sensations  more  humiliating  and  galling  than  what  he  could 
apprehend  from  the  worst  results  of  the  governor's  displeasure. 
He  was,  however,  much  chagrined  and  annoyed  when  he  per- 
ceived that  his  followers  were  far  from  participating  in  his  senti- 
ments. In  vain  did  he  essay  every  means  to  persuade  them  to 
adhere  faithful  to  his  fortunes.  The  image  of  past  sufferings  dwelt 
strongly  in  their  imaginations ;  and  they  joyfully  embraced  the 
opportunity  of  returning  to  their  friends,  after  a  long  and  most  dis- 
tressing absence.  The  arguments  and  promises  of  Pizarro  were 
disregarded,  and  the  soldiers  now  prepared,  with  the  utmost  alac- 
rity, to  follow  Tafur,  the  governor's  messenger. 

To  detain  men  against  their  inclination,  under  existing  circum- 
stances, would  have  been  not  only  injudicious,  but  full  of  clanger. 
In  this  emergency,  the  baffled  commander  resolved  to  adopt  one 
of  those  magnanimous  measures,  which,  bv  striking  the  imagina- 
tions of  men,  often  end  in  persuading  their  hearts.  Open  revolt — 
perhaps  his  own  death — would  be  the  consequence  of  the  attempt. 
Pizarro  assembled  his  soldiers,  and,  drawing  his  sword,  described 
with  it  a  line  on  the  ground.  He  then,  with  a  firm  demeanour 
and  resolute  voice,  exclaimed,  "  Spaniards!  this  line  is  the  emblem 
of  hardships,  dangers,  and  constant  toil — of  innumerable  sufferings 
which  are  to  be  sustained  in  the  prosecution  of  a  most   glorious 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  45 

enterprise.  Let  those  who  consider  themselves  endowed  with 
sufficient  strength  and  magnanimity — those  to  whom  the  renown 
of  a  glorious  conqueror  is  dear,  boldly  pass  the  line — and  as  for 
those  who  feel  themselves  unequal  to  the  sacrifice  of  present  ease, 
for  the  attainment  of  future  fame  and  fortune,  let  them  return  to 
Panama  with  all  suitable  speed;  I  myself  will  remain  here,  and, 
with  the  help  of  the  bravest  of  my  followers,  however  few  they 
may  be,  I  will  prosecute  our  enterprise,  trusting  that,  with  the 
assistance  of  God,  and  by  our  undaunted  perseverance,  our  efforts 
will  be  ultimately  crowned  with  success." 

No  sooner  were  these  words  pronounced,  than  the  soldiers 
hastened  to  profit  by  the  invitation  they  afforded.  With  unbe- 
coming alacrity  they  bent  their  steps  toAvards  the  shore,  to  em- 
bark with  the  utmost  expedition,  lest  the  determination  of  their 
commander  should  undergo  a  change.  Only  thirteen  men  had 
the  courage  and  the  noble  resolution  to  pass  the  line,  and  declare 
themselves  resolved  to  adhere  faithfully  to  their  chief  until  death. 
To  this  heroic  band  is  owing  the  discovery  and  conquest  of  Peru  ; 
and  the  magnanimous  determination  formed  by  them  and  their 
chief,  is  strongly  tinctured  with  that  spirit  of  wild  romance  which 
characterized  many  of  the  exploits  of  the  conquerors  of  America, 
and  which  would  baffle  all  belief,  were  they  not  authenticated  by 
abundant  evidence."  Pizarro  testified  his  gratitude  to  his  devoted 
companions,  and  made  a  solemn  promise  that  they  should  always 
act  a  prominent  part  in  the  undertaking,  and  possess  the  most 
sacred  claim  to  future  rewards.  With  his  slender  band,  Pizarro 
passed  over  in  a  barque  to  the  island  of  Gorgona,  which  being  far- 
ther from  the  coast,  and  uninhabited,  was  deemed  by  the  chief  a 
fit  retreat  in  their  present  helpless  condition.  In  this  deserted 
island  they  magnanimously  resolved  to  support  the  vicissitudes  of 
fate,  until  Almagro  and  Luque  could  contrive  to  send  them  such 
a-sistance  as  might  enable  them  to  resume  their  enterprise. 
These  associates  of  Pizarro  were  most  active  in  their  exertions  to 
forward  the  views  of  their  friend.  They  constantly  besieged  the 
Governor  with  importunities,  representing  to  him  both  the  cruelty 
and  impolicy  of  abandoning  a  party  of  brave  Spaniards  to  perish 
in  a  desert  island,  because  in  the  fervour  of  their  zeal  tor  the 
glory  of  their  country,  they  had  deviated  perhaps  from  the  strict 

*  Zarate. — Gomara. — G.  de  la  Vega. — The  names  of  eleven  of  those  brave 
men  an'  known  : — Pedro  Candia,  a  Creek  by  birth  ;  B.  Ruiz,  the  pilot  ;  N.  [li- 
bera ;  J.  tie  la  Torre;  A.  Briseno  ;  ('.del  I'eral ;  Alonso  Trnjillo;  l'r.  de  CitelJar; 
A.  de  Molina  ;  G.  de   Riberu  ;    and   F.    Rodriguez    de    Vilkifuerte,  who  was  the 

first  that  crossed  the  line. 


46  HISTORY  OF  THE 


rule  of  discipline.  To  their  own  expostulations  were  added  the 
loud  remonstrances  of  the  whole  colony,  who,  secretly  instigated 
by  them,  no  less  than  excited  by  the  relatives  and  friends  of  the 
devoted  few,  began  to  speak  in  no  measured  terms  of  the  cruelty  of 
the  Governor  towards  his  unfortunate  countrymen. 

Pedro  de  los  Rios  could  no  longer  withstand  such  representations 
and  importunities,  andat  length  was  compelled  to  lend  a  favourable 
ear  to  the  general  wishes  of  the  colony.  He  accordingly  gave 
his  permission  that  a  vessel  might  be  fitted  out,  for  the  purpose 
of  bringing  Pizarro  and  his  companions  back  to  Panama;  but,  lest 
the  arrival  of  this  assistance  might  again  flatter  the  hopes  of  those 
sanguine,  though  destitute  men,  he  took  especial  care  to  prevent 
the  embarkation  of  a  single  individual  belonging  to  the  land- 
service.  These  precautions,  he  expected,  would  compel  Pizarro 
to  relinquish  an  undertaking  which,  in  his  opinion,  was  at  once 
chimerical  and  dangerous  in  its  tendency.  Almagro  availed 
himself  of  this  opportunity  to  send  to  his  colleague  whatever  sup- 
plies he  could  collect,  as  well  as  a  faithful  account  of  all  that  had 
happened  since  their  separation. 

Meantime,  Pizarro  and  his  devoted  band  remained  in  Gorgona 
— an  island  noted  for  the  un healthiness  of  its  climate.  It  would 
be  impossible  to  describe  the  horrors  to  which  the  Spaniards  were 
exposed  during  five  months,  the  time  which  they  remained  in  that 
frightful  place.  They  had  neither  habitation  nor  other  shelter 
than  the  impervious  woods  that  covered  the  land.  It  was  a  spot 
seldom  or  never  cheered  by  the  rays  of  the  sun,  rendered  glcomy 
by  almost  incessant  rain,  and  appalling  by  the  frequency  and  vio- 
lence of  storms.  The  place  was,  besides,  rendered  more  difficult 
of  endurance  by  the  swarms  of  annoying  insects  and  noxious  rep- 
tiles with  which  it  was  infested.*  To  these  calamities  may  be 
added  the  frequent  privation  of  the  first  necessaries  of  life ;  for 
their  means  of  subsistence  were  most  precarious.  Sometimes 
they  were  fortunate  enough  to  procure  shell-fish,  but  they  were 
more  often  compelled  to  content  themselves  with  wild  and  unsa- 
voury roots,  or  to  devour  a  peculiar  sort  of  snakes,  with  which  the 
island  abounded.!  From  the  combined  horrors  of  the  place,  the 
epithet  of  Infernal  was  alwavs  employed  by  the  Spaniards  when 
speaking  of  Gorgona.  Such  was  the  frightful  situation  of  Pizarro 
and  his  companions  for  a  long  period,  during  which,  on  every  re- 
turning day,  their  anxious  looks  were  directed  towards  Panama, 
with  the  flattering  expectations  of  approaching  succour,  instead  of 

*  Herrera.  t  G.  de  la  Vega. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  .        47 

which,  a  renewal  of  disappointment  was  ail  that  came  to  the  suf- 
ferers. The  undaunted  courage  of  the  stoutest  now  began  to 
droop.  Pizarro  himself,  for  the  first  time,  exhibited  symptoms  of 
despondency.  In  this  state  of  utter  wretchedness,  they  at  length 
came  to  a  resolution  to  trust  themselves  in  a  barque  to  the  caprice 
of  the  elements,  rather  than  remain  in  that  frightful  abode,  where 
they  had  nothing  to  expect  but  a  lingering,  wretched  existence, 
and  a  miserable  death. 

When  about  to  adopt  this  desperate  alternative,  their  eyes  were 
gladdened  with  the  sight  of  the  vessel  sent  by  Almagro.  All  their 
troubles  and  sorrows  were  in  a  moment  forgotten,  and  the  rays  of 
hope  began  again  to  diffuse  their  cheering  light  over  their  scared 
and  blighted  prospects.  Instead,  therefore,  of  availing  themselves 
of  this  opportunity  of  returning  to  Panama  and  putting  an  end  to 
their  sufferings,  the  hardy  Spaniards  were  easily  persuaded  by 
their  commander  to  resume,  with  dauntless  perseverance,  their 
perilous  undertaking;  and  there  was  but  little  difficulty  in  bringing 
over  the  crew  of  the  ship  to  the  same  determination.  This  body 
of  adventurers  committed  themselves  to  the  waves,  and  steered 
towards  the  south-east,  at  the  mercy  of  the  elements.  On  the 
twentieth  day  of  their  voyage  they  first  discovered  the  coast  of 
Peru  ;  but  their  expedition  bore  more  the  resemblance  of  a  forag- 
ing party  of  marauders,  than  a  body  of  warriors  equipped  and 
prepared  for  conquest.  For  a  long  time  they  continued  merely 
to  touch  on  the  coast,  occasionally  visiting  the  neighbouring  villages 
and  hamlets  for  the  sake  of  procuring  food.  Their  existence  was 
most  precarious  and  distressing  during  this  period ;  but  constant 
suffering  and  toil  seemed  to  produce  no  effect  upon  the  frames  of 
men  whose  minds  were  strengthened  and  sustained  by  such  lofty 
expectations.  At  length  the  deteriorated  state  of  their  frail  vessel, 
after  a  protracted  navigation,*  and  the  discovery  of  a  territory 
which  bore  evident  marks  of  cultivation,  determined  Pizarro  to 
land  and  explore  the  country. 

Pizarro  and  his  companions  had  now  arrived  at  the  vale  of 
Tumbez,  a  place  which  enjoyed  some  consideration  among  the 
natives,  and  which  contained  a  palace  of  the  Inea  and  a  temple. 
The  prospect  which  now  unfolded  itself  to  the  anxious  eyes  of  the 
Spaniards,  was  one  well  calculated  toawaken  their  dormant  hopes. 
The  cultivated  state  of  the  country,  and  the  profusion  of  precious 
metal  in  which  it  abounded,  rekindled  the  desire  of  the  adventurers 
for  the  acquisition  of  wealth.     They  perceived  that  not  only  the 

*  G.  de  la  Yeca. 


4S  HISTORY  OF  THE 

ornaments  of  the  temple  and  the  articles  of  personal  adornment 
were  wrought  of  gold,  but  that  the  precious  metal  was  applied  to 
purposes  of  common  use.  Such  a  circumstance  warranted  the 
most  extravagant  expectations,  and  the  ideas  of  the  Spaniards  were 
proportionably  excited.  The  country  appeared  to  be  very  popu- 
lous, and  the  natives  exhibited,  in  their  dress  and  deportment, 
evident  signs  of  being  not  only  far  removed  from  savage  life,  but 
even  having  made  some  small  progress  in  civilization.  But  though 
the  ambition  of  Pizarro  and  his  followers  was  great,  and  their 
intrepidity  equal  to  it,  yet  the  idea  of  subjecting  by  force  of  arms 
so  great  an  empire,  appeared  to  them  monstrous  and  absurd;  for, 
though  reckless  of  consequences,  and  sanguine  in  their  power, 
the  prospect  of  reducing  the  country  by  the  prowess  of  a  handful 
of  men,  could  not  be  seriously  entertained,  even  in  America.  Pi- 
zarro accordingly  kept  up  a  friendly  intercourse  with  the  natives, 
limiting  his  endeavours,  for  the  present,  to  the  task  of  obtaining 
competent  information  with  regard  to  the  country,  over  which  he 
fondly  anticipated  he  was  one  day  destined  to  rule. 

Pizarro  having  procured  some  specimens  of  the  produce  of  the 
land,  as  well  as  a  tolerable  quantity  of  the  ornaments  used  in  their 
worship,  to  serve  as  a  bait  to  his  countrymen  at  Panama,  now 
resolved  to  return  to  that  colony  after  an  absence  of  three  years, 
during  which,  the  hardships  he  had  patiently  endured  almost  bid 
defiance  to  credibility.  Indeed,  none  of  the  adventurous  and  hardy 
men  who  distinguished  themselves  in  the  conquest  of  the  New 
World,  were  ever  exposed  to  such  accumulated  disasters  of  every 
kind,  as  those  which  put  to  the  severest  test  the  courage  and 
magnanimity  of  Pizarro  and  his  companions.*  It  is  this  extraor- 
dinary— this  romantic  illustration  of  the  heroic  virtues  of  hardihood, 
intrepidity,  and  perseverance — that  has  thrown  over  the  memory 
of  that  chief  a  partial  blaze  of  glory,  despite  of  the  cruel  deeds  by 
which  it  was  often  obscured.  Pizarro  returned  to  Panama  after 
his  long  absence,  attended  by  eleven  of  his  heroic  followers ;  the 
two  others  having  remained  behind,  and  their  fate  was  never  after 
ascertained.! 

Upon  the  return  of  the  Spaniards  to  the  colony  (1528),  they 
were  welcomed  with  eager  joy  by  their  anxious  friends ;  but  neither 
the  splendid  descriptions  which  they  made  of  the  land  they  had 
discovered,  nor  the  rich  tokens  they  brought  in  corroboration  of 

*  Zarate. — G.  de  la  Vega. 

t  It  is  probably  owing  to  this,  that  their  names  are  not  mentioned  by  the 
Spanish  historians  among  the  thirteen  original  discoverers  of  Peru. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  49 

their  statement,  were  sufficient  to  induce  the  governor  to  change 
his  former  resolution.  He  still  persisted  in  refusing  his  sanction 
and  aid  to  the  fitting  out  of  an  expedition  for  conquest.  He  urged 
the  slender  resources  of  the  colony,  and  peremptorily  returned  the 
same  answer  to  every  fresh  application.  Chagrined,  hut  not  dis- 
heartened, by  these  repeated  failures,  Pizarro  and  his  two  associ- 
ates continued,  with  undiminished  vigour,  to  promote  the  further- 
ance of  their  schemes.  Every  hope  from  the  governor  being  now 
at  an  end,  they  fondly  turned  their  eyes  towards  Spain,  and  re- 
solved to  apply  at  once  to  the  emperor  himself  for  a  sanction  to 
their  plans.  This  project  was  no  sooner  conceived,  than  it  was 
determined  that  Pizarro  should  immediately  undertake  the  voyage; 
yet,  so  impoverished  were  the  projectors  of  the  great  conquest  of 
Peru,  that  they  were  actually  compelled  to  borrow  of  their  friends 
the  trifling  means  necessary  for  equipping  the  vessel  that  was  to 
carry  their  companion  to  Spain.*  Pizarro  presented  himself  be- 
fore the  emperor  with  an  ease  of  deportment,  and  a  confidence  of 
manner,  which  his  birth  and  education  could  hardly  have  promised, 
but  which  conscious  desert  and  great  services  fully  justified.  His 
glowing  descriptions  were  eagerly  listened  to,  not  only  by  the 
ardent  and  ambitious,  but  by  the  emperor  himself,  who,  at  the 
sight  of  the  rich  tokens  brought  by  Pizarro  from  the  newly  dis- 
covered land,  readily  granted  his  approbation  to  the  proposal  of 
the  hardy  adventurer.  A  free  scope  was  allowed  to  his  ambition 
in  the  multifarious  capacities  to  which  he  was  named,  for  he  united 
in  his  person  the  honourable  appointments  of  governor,  captain- 
general,  and  Adelantadoof  the  territories  which  he  might  discover 
and  conquer,  besides  possessing  full  claims  to  every  other  privilege 
enjoyed  by  successful  adventurers  in  America.  But  whilst  Pizarro 
was  so  mindful  of  his  own  interests,  he  did  not  by  any  means  pay 
a  like  attention  to  those  of  his  associates ;  for,  though  he  did  not 
forget  to  procure  the  dignity  of  a  bishopric  for  Luque,  he  totally 
neglected  the  claims  of  Almagro.  The  post  of  commander  of  a 
fort,  to  be  erected  at  Tumbez,  was  the  only  boon  granted  to  a  man 
who,  in  virtue  of  his  services,  was  certainly  entitled  to  far  greater 
consideration.  In  this  unjust  oversight,  we  may  trace  the  origin 
of  those  calamities  and  unnatural  contentions  which  took  place  in 
the  sequel,  among  the  parties  of  Almagro  and  Pizarro,  and  which 
cast  an  additional  stain  on  the  conquest  of  Peru. 

The  jurisdiction  allotted  to  Pizarro,  entirely  independent  of  the 
Governor  of  Panama,  extended  two  hundred  leagues  along  the 


Herrera  dec. — G.  de  la  Vega. 


50  HISTORY  OF  THE 

coast,  southward  of  the  river  of  Santiago.  In  return  for  a  boon 
in  which  neither  outlay  nor  assistance  of  any  kind  was  required 
from  the  court  of  Spain,  Pizarro  pledged  himself  to  recruit  two 
hundred  and  fifty  adventurers,  and  to  procure  the  ships,  arms,  am- 
munition, and  other  requisites  for  the  expedition.  Trifling,  how- 
ever, as  the  expense  and  trouble  of  raising  these  resources  may 
appear,  Pizarro  found  it  an  extremely  difficult  task.  For  some 
time  he  exerted  himself  unremittingly;  but  his  utmost  efforts 
would  scarcely  have  succeeded,  had  he  not  been  aided  by  some  of 
his  countrymen,  especially  by  the  celebrated  Hernan  Cortes, 
whose  generosity  was  prompted  to  aid  a  gallant  old  companion  in 
arms,  in  the  prosecution  of  a  glorious  enterprise.*  Pizarro  em- 
barked at  Seville,  having  gained  to  his  project  many  adventurers 
of  merit  and  valour,  among  whom  were  his  three  brothers,  and 
Francisco  de  Alcantara,  his  maternal  uncle,  all  of  whom  were 
destined  to  play  conspicuous  parts  in  subsequent  events. 

When  Pizarro  arrived  at  Panama  (1530),  he  found  his  compan- 
ion Almagro  much  incensed  against  him  for  the  unjustifiable  man- 
ner in  which  he  had  neglected  his  just  pretensions.  This  breach 
between  the  two  associates  was  further  widened  by  an  inveterate 
hatred  which  was  soon  engendered  in  the  bosom  of  Fernando 
Pizarro,  a  man  of  violent  temper,  and  who  continually  advised  his 
brother  not  to  brook  what  he  styled  the  arrogance  of  Almagro. 
This  unfortunate  misunderstanding  was  the  source  of  much  un- 
easiness to  all  those  who  were  interested  in  the  projected  expedi- 
tion, as  the  want  of  harmony  existing  between  the  principal  leaders 
could  not  but  throw  serious  impediments  in  the  way  of  the  enter- 
prise. Almagro  appeared  negligent  in  procuring  the  necessary 
stores  for  the  armament;  and,  indeed,  he  was  even  suspected  of 
harbouring  a  design  of  breaking  his  ties  with  Pizarro,  and  acting 
independently  of  his  will.  Fernando  Pizarro  continued  to  stimu- 
late his  brother  to  an  open  rupture;  but  the  hardy  veteran  had 
policy  enough  to  perceive  the  imprudence  of  following  such  coun- 
sels. Almagro  had  many  partisans  in  Panama;  and,  both  from 
his  note  in  the  colony  and  his  abilities,  it  was  expedient  to  conci- 
liate him  as  a  powerful  coadjutor,  rather  than  provoke  him  as  an 
enemy  and  a  rival.  Accordingly,  by  the  interposition  of  Gama 
and  other  important  persons,  a  reconciliation  took  place  between  the 
former  friends.  Pizarro  offered  to  transfer  to  his  associate  the  title 
of  Adelantado,  and  faithfully  pledged  himself  to  solicit  the  nomi- 
nation.of  an  independent  government  for  him.     These  concessions 

Herrera. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  51 

soothed  the  irritated  feelings  of  Almagro,  who,  though  a  man  of 
warm  and  strong  passions,  possessed  a  frankness  of  disposition 
which  rendered  it  easy  to  pacify  him.  With  regard  to  Luque, 
the  utmost  extent  of  his  wishes  having  been  completely  gratified, 
he  cordially  bound  himself  to  promote,  by  every  means  in  his 
power,  the  success  of  the  expedition.  The  difference  being  thus 
adjusted,  the  confederates  pledged  themselves  to  follow  up  the 
terms  of  their  original  treaty,  by  which  it  was  enacted  that  every- 
thing should  be  carried  on  at  the  expense  of  the  three,  and  that  a 
perfect  equality  should  be  observed  in  the  distribution  of  the  profits 
derived  from  the  undertaking.* 

Almagro  now  made  over  to  Pizarro  all  the  money  and  stores 
which  he  had  collected,  and  exerted  himself  with  alacrity  to  aug- 
ment the  resources  of  his  friends.  But  even  the  combined  exer- 
tions of  the  confederates,  seconded  by  the  endeavours  of  the 
most  wealthy  among  the  adventurers,  could  not  fit  out  more  than  a 
hundred  and  eighty  soldiers,  and  thirty-seven  horses — a  force 
inferior  to  what  Pizarro  had  pledged  himself  to  equip,  when  he 
solicited  the  royal  sanction  to  his  project.  Three  small  vessels, 
tolerably  well  supplied  with  military  stores  and  necessary  articles, 
were  prepared  to  convey  this  slender  but  resolute  band  on  their 
perilous  enterprise.  Such  was  the  extent  of  the  force — such  the 
resources,  with  which  Francis  Pizarro  determined  to  set  out  on  his 
expedition.  But  the  experience  of  foregoing  events  seemed  to 
sanction  the  most  extravagant  ideas ;  and  the  slender  means  with 
which  the  conquest  of  Mexico  was  completed,  justified  the  hopes 
of  similar  success  in  Peru.  Pizarro  felt,  accordingly,  anxious  to 
depart,  while  his  two  associates,  Almagro  and  Luque,  were  directed 
to  remain  at  Panama,  in  order  to  secure  a  reinforcement  of  men 
and  ammunition,  which  was  to  set  out  in  the  sequel  under  the 
command  of  Almagro. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Civil  Dissensions  in  Peru  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish  Invasion. 

Pizarro  left  Panama  in  February  1531,  and,  after  a  voyage  of 
thirteen  days,  landed  nearly  a  hundred  leagues  north  of  Tumbez, 

Zarate. — G.  de  la  Vega. 


52  HISTORY  OF  THE 

where  he  had  determined  to  disembark.  He  directed  his  march 
along  the  coast,  that  he  might  at  once  be  joined  by  the  reinforce- 
ment which  he  expected  from  his  associates,  and  that  he  might  re- 
gain the  ships,  in  case  extreme  danger  should  render  a  retreat 
indispensable.  But  the  country  about  these  places  being  thinly 
inhabited,  and  the  natives  flying  at  the  approach  of  the  Spaniards, 
Pizarro  was  aware  he  should  be  soon  compelled  either  to  advance 
inland,  or  return  to  Panama.  The  soldiers  were  in  a  short  time 
exposed  to  an  accumulation  of  disasters,  enough  to  clamp  their 
courage,  and  make  them  anxious  to  retrace  their  steps.  They 
were  suffering  severely  from  the  want  of  provisions ;  but  to  the 
cravings  of  hunger  was  added  another  calamity,  if  possible  more 
appalling.  The  climate  being  unhealthy,  a  great  number  of  the 
soldiers  soon  found  themselves  assailed  by  loathsome  diseases 
peculiar  to  the  place,  attended  with  violent  pains,  and  exhaustion 
of  the  frame.  Such  a  lot  was  far  from  answering  to  the  florid 
descriptions  by  means  of  which  they  had  been  tempted  to  embark 
in  the  expedition ;  and  many  of  them  began  to  complain  bitterly, 
the  more  so  as  they  perceived  the  gradual  diminution  of  their 
number. 

But  Pizarro  persisted  in  his  intention,  and  to  the  voice  of  com- 
plaint he  replied  by  that  of  hope  and  glory.  At  length,  after 
severe  hardships,  they  arrived  in  the  province  of  Coaque  on  the 
14th  of  April;  and  having  suddenly  fallen  on  the  natives,  they 
seized  upon  their  ornaments  of  gold  and  silver,  which  presented 
a  booty  alluring  enough  to  efface  past  sufferings  from  the  memory 
of  the  soldiers,  and  induce  them  to  persevere  with  additional 
vigour  in  their  service.  Pizarro,  elated  with  the  prospect  of  future 
wealth,  lost  no  time  in  sending  a  ship  to  Almagro,  with  a  suita- 
ble remittance  of  the  spoil.  At  the  same  time,  he  also  dispatched 
another  vessel  to  Nicaragua,  in  the  hopes  of  drawing  new  adven- 
turers to  his  standard,  by  an  exhibition  of  the  riches  of  the  coun- 
try. After  this  he  continued  his  march,  which  unfortunately  was 
not  characterized  by  that  conciliatory  disposition  which  had  so 
efficiently  seconded  the  plans  of  the  politic  conqueror  of  Mexico. 
Pizarro,  equal  to  that  chief  in  all  the  virtues  of  a  Avarrior,  was  yet 
sadly  deficient  in  that  refined  policy  which  was  a  leading  feature 
in  the  transactions  of  Cortes.  He  now  evinced  no  other  method 
of  prosecuting  his  views  than  that  of  open  violence,  neglecting  to 
conciliate  the  good  will  of  those  Indians  of  whose  assistance  he 
might  stand  in  need  in  the  sequel.  This  imprudent  course  was 
accompanied  with  the  natural  results.  The  natives,  alarmed  by 
the  approach  of  invaders  at  once  so  singular  in  appearance,  and 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  53 

so  ruthless  in  their  character,  submitted  like  slaves,  or  fled  pre- 
cipitately into  the  interior. 

In  this  manner  Pizarro  proceeded  without  any  considerable 
opposition,  until  he  arrived  at  the  island  of  Puna,  the  inhabitants 
of  which,  being  more  warlike  and  ferocious,  made  such  a  vigorous 
resistance  to  their  aggressors,  that  no  less  than  six  months  were 
spent  in  their  reduction.  This  being  at  last  effected,  he  continued 
his  march  to  Tumbez,  where  he  was  obliged  to  make  a  sojourn  of 
three  months,  partly  that  his  men  might  recover  from  their  past 
fatigues,  and  partly  compelled  by  the  noxious  distempers  which 
attacked  the  unfortunate  soldiers  with  unusual  violence.  But  the 
despondency  naturally  allied  to  their  calamity  was  greatly  relieved 
by  the  arrival  of  supplies  from  Nicaragua  (1532),  under  the  com- 
mand of  Fernando  de  Soto  and  Sebastian  Benalcazar,  two  officers 
who  enjoyed  great  repute,  in  America.  The  forces  which  they 
led  were  indeed  trifling,  altogether  not  exceeding  sixty  men;  but, 
insignificant  as  this  reinforcement  may  appear,  it  was  welcomed 
by  Pizarro  with  lively  demonstrations  of  joy. 

From  Tumbez  Pizarro  pursued  his  march  (May  the  16th)  to 
the  river  Piura,  where,  having  arrived  without  inconvenience,  he 
determined  to  make  a  settlement  on  it,  to  serve  as  a  depot  in  the 
great  undertaking  he  had  commenced.  He  accordingly  made 
choice  of  a  commodious  situation,  and  began  the  foundation  of  St. 
Michael,  the  first  Spanish  colony  in  Peru.  As  nothing  retarded 
his  progress,  he  continued  his  march,  and  advanced  towards  the 
centre  of  the  vast  empire  he  had  invaded,  little  apprehensive  of 
the  dangers  with  which  his  temerity  might  be  attended.  He 
exerted  himself  to  obtain  as  much  information  as  possible  concern- 
ing the  country,  as  such  a  knowledge  was  indispensable  for  the 
prosecution  of  his  plans.  Though  the  medium  of  intercourse  was 
very  imperfect,  yet  Pizarro  soon  learned  that  he  was  entering  the 
dominions  of  a  very  powerful  monarch,  respected  with  religious 
veneration  by  the  natives,  and  master  of  territories  as  vast  in  ex- 
tent as  they  were  fertile  in  wealth.  This  information  served  only 
to  stimulate  the  Spaniards  to  greater  exertion,  by  still  further  ex- 
citing their  ardent  hopes.  Besides,  a  circumstance  was  made 
known  to  them  which  was  naturally  calculated  to  confirm  them 
in  their  expectations,  namely,  the  existence  of  civil  dissensions  in 
the  country,  in  consequence  of  the  rival  pretensions  of  two  com- 
petitors for  the  crown. 

At  the  period  when  the  Spaniards  first  discovered  and  touched 
on  the  coast  of  Peru  in  152(5,  the  throne  of  the  country  was  occu- 
pied by  If  uana  Capac,  the  twelfth  Inca  from  the  foundation  of  the 


54  HISTORY  OF  THE 

empire.  This  prince  had  been  distinguished  no  less  by  his  mili- 
tary abilities,  than  by  those  pacific  virtues  which  formed  the 
prominent  feature  in  the  character  of  the  Peruvian  princes.  To 
his  bravery  and  policy,  and  to  the  success  which  attended  his 
arms,  was  owing  the  conquest  of  the  vast  kingdom  of  Quito-;  and, 
by  this  means,  the  extent,  as  well  as  power,  of  the  Peruvian  em- 
pire was  doubled.  He  evinced  a  great  partiality  towards  the 
capital  of  the  subdued  country,  and  made  it  the  place  of  his  almost 
constant  residence.  By  this  means,  he  had  frequent  opportuni- 
ties of  intercourse  with  the  daughter  of  the  vanquished  sovereign ; 
and,  in  despite  of  the  most  inflexible  laws  of  the  Incas,  which 
imperiously  forbade  any  member  of  that  sacred  race  from  inter- 
marrying with  any  woman  unless  of  celestial  origin,  he  took  the 
Princess  of  Quito  for  the  partner  of  his  crown  and  bed.  This  event 
became,  in  the  sequel,  the  fruitful  source  of  calamity  and  disturb- 
ance, as  from  this  alliance  sprung  the  celebrated  Atahualpa,  who 
acts  so  conspicuous  and  tragical  a  part  in  the  conquest  of  Peru. 

Huana  Capac  died  in  the  year  1529.  Previously  to  his  death, 
as  he  had  conceived  a  great  affection  for  his  second  child,  he  made  a 
division  of  his  vast  territories  between  him  and  Huascar,  his  eldest 
son  by  a  princess  of  the  royal  race.  The  latter  being  his  lawful 
heir  and  successor,  he  bestowed  upon  him  all  the  Peruvian  do- 
minions, reserving  the  kingdom  of  Quito,  for  Atahualpa.  But 
this  arrangement,  far  from  satisfying  the  minds  of  the  Peruvians, 
excited  among  them  the  most  marked  dissatisfaction.  They  were 
shocked  and  surprised  at  a  proceeding  which  they  considered 
almost  sacrilegious,  as  it  interfered  so  materially  with  the  funda- 
mental laws  of  the  monarchy — laws  which  were  coeval  with  its 
very  foundation.  Atahualpa  was  deemed  an  intruder  and  a 
usurper,  and  his  accession  to  the  throne  of  Quito  was  beheld  with 
decided  disapprobation.  The  inhabitants  of  Cuzco,  in  particular, 
declared  themselves  openly  against  his  elevation  ;  and  Huascar, 
emboldened  by  these  tokens  of  respect  towards  his  person,  re- 
solved to  avail  himself  fully  of  the  advantages  which  they  might 
offer.  He  accordingly  sent  messengers  to  Quito,  requiring  of  his 
brother  that  he  should  abdicate  a  government  to  which  he  could 
lay  no  lawful  claim,  and  acknowledge  his  jurisdiction  as  rightful 
Inca  of  Peru.  But  Atahualpa  was  far  from  being  disposed  to 
submit  to  such  a  demand.  That  prince,  endowed  with  great 
abilities,  and  a  decision  and  courage  worthy  of  his  father,  would 
not  tamely  yield  up  what  he  considered  his  just  inheritance.  He 
had  assiduously  devoted  himself  to  becoming  popular  among  the 
veterans  of  his  father's  army,  and  he  had  succeeded  in  his  endea- 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  55 

vours.  Being  in  command  of  such  efficient  resources,  he  totally 
disregarded  the  requisition  of  his  brother ;  and,  far  from  abdicating 
the  throne  of  Quito,  he  prepared  to  invade  Cuzco,  the  seat  of  his 
brother  Inca. 

War  now  became  inevitable.  The  pretensions  of  the  two 
princes  could  not  be  amicably  adjusted,  and  the  termination  of  the 
contest  was  only  to  be  procured  by  the  ruin  of  one  party.  Of  this 
they  were  both  fully  aware  ;  and  they  accordingly  made  every 
preparation  for  the  terrible  struggle.  The  horrors  of  civil  war 
were  a  curse  hitherto  unknown  in  Peru.  The  mild  and  virtuous 
rule  of  the  Incfcs  had  invariably  preserved  internal  peace  and 
tranquillity.  But  this  blessing  was  at  an  end,  and  hostilities 
began.  Huascar  had,  in  support  of  his  pretensions,  the  evident 
justice  of  his  claims  ;  Atahualpa  the  force  of  arms.  The  former 
relied  on  the  veneration  with  which  the  Peruvian  nation  had  been 
accustomed  to  regard  the  children  of  the  Sun;  the  latter  expected 
success  from  the  well  known  courage  of  his  troops.  The  positive 
advantages  were,  therefore,  on  the  side  of  Atahualpa.  The  issue 
of  the  contest  was  such  as  might  naturally  be  anticipated.  A 
frightful  battle  was  fought,  in  which  the  troops  of  Huascar  were 
completely  routed,  and  he  himself  taken  prisoner,  after  vainly  at- 
tempting to  seek  safety  in  flight. 

Atahualpa  behaved  after  his  triumph  in  a  most  inhuman  man- 
ner. Not  content  with  the  carnage  inflicted  upon  his  enemies 
during  the  battle,  he  stained  his  victory  by  many  a  cruel  deed. 
As  he  was  conscious  of  the  imperfection  of  his  title  to  govern,  and 
could  not  deceive  himself  with  regard  to  his  being  esteemed  rather 
a  conquering  usurper  than  a  lawful  sovereign,  he  resolved,  with 
inhuman  policy,  to  sacrifice  all  those  who  might  offer  any  obstacle 
to  the  enjoyment  of  his  ill-acquired  power.  Accordingly,  he  put 
to  death  all  the  descendants  of  Manco  Capac,  who,  being  the 
legitimate  offspring  of  the  Sun,  might,  in  the  sequel,  assert  their 
right  over  the  crown  of  Peru.  Atahualpa,  however,  spared  for 
the  time  the  life  of  his  unfortunate  brother  Huascar,  fearing 
indeed  to  sacrifice  him,  lest  the  atrocious  act  might  rouse  the  peo- 
ple against  him;  and  besides,  by  keeping  him  in  strict  confine- 
ment, he  was  not  only  secure  of  his  person,  but  could,  in  the  name 
of  the  captive  prince,  issue  his  orders,  as  he  knew  the  adherents 
of  the  unfortunate  Huascar  would,  by  this  stratagem,  yield  implicit 
obedience.  The  usurper  seemed  now  established  on  the  throne  ; 
yet  that  throne  was  surrounded  with  dangers,  as  the  party  in  favour 
of  Huascar,  though  it  had  received  severe  reverses,  was  neither 


56  HISTORY  OF  THE 

subdued   nor  completely  discouraged,  and  might   attempt   new 
struggles  in  favour  of  the  lawful  Inca.* 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Proceedings  of  the  Spaniards. — Meeting  at  Caxamalca,  and  its  results. — Trial 
and  Death  of  the  Inca  Atahualpa. 

Nothing  could  be  more  favourable  to  the  views  of  Pizarro  than 
this  breach  between  the  two  brothers.  When  he  first  visited  Peru, 
the  competitors  for  the  crown  were  so  absorbed  in  their  rancorous 
dissensions,  that  they  paid  no  regard  to  the  threatened  danger  of 
invaders,  who  appeared,  from  the  paucity  of  their  number,  to  offer 
no  serious  cause  of  fear  to. the  inhabitants.  Thus,  the  Spaniards 
were  suffered  to  proceed  on  their  march  unmolested,  while,  owing 
to  their  imperfect  information,  they  were  themselves  unable  to 
assign  probable  reasons  for  the  apathy  manifested  by  the  enemy. 
Indeed,  the  first  satisfactory  intelligence  which  Pizarro  received 
regarding  the  true  state  of  the  country,  and  the  rancour  of  the 
contending  parties,  was  brought  by  messengers  from  Huascar, 
who  were  sent  to  implore  the  assistance  of*the  strangers  against 
the  usurper  Atahualpa. 

Pizarro  found  himself  now  precisely  in  the  same  situation  in 
which  Cortes  had  been  placed  at  a  former  period.  He  foresaw, 
with  lively  satisfaction,  that  the  country  possessed  within  its  bosom 
the  germs  of  destruction,  and  quickly  resolved  to  turn  to  the  Great- 
est advantage  an  aspect  of  affairs  so  manifestly  conducive  to  his 
interests.  While  the  natives  were  thus  disunited,  he  feared  no 
danger,  and  he  knew  that,  by  favouring  the  pretensions  of  one 
party,  he  would  weaken  the  power  of  both.  Under  this  persua- 
sion, he  hesitated  not  to  continue  his  march  with  redoubled  alac- 
rity ;  but,  perceiving  the  necessity  of  securing  a  retreat  in  a  coun- 
try of  which  he  was  totally  ignorant,  he  left  a  garrison  at  St. 
Michael  to  serve  that  purpose,  as  well  as  to  preserve  a  convenient 
place  for  receiving  the  supplies  from  Panama.  He  undertook  his 
march,  attended  only  by  a  body  of  an  hundred  and  two  foot  sol- 
diers and  sixty-two  horsemen,  all  of  them  indifferently  equipped 
for  hard  service. 

Zarate. — G.  de  la  Vena. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 

Meantime  Atahualpa  was  encamped  at  Caxamalca,  a  town 
about  twelve  days'  journey  from  St.  Michael.  Though  the  Inca 
was  reported  to  be  at  the  head  of  a  great  army,  Pizarro  made  no 
hesitation  in  bending  his  course  directly  to  the  camp.  He  had 
not,  however,  made  any  great  progress,  before  he  was  welcomed 
by  a  messenger  of  note  sent  by  the  Inca,  with  a  gift  and  a  verbal 
communication  of  amity.  He  further  invited  the  Spanish  chief 
to  proceed  directly  to  Caxamalca,  where  he  should  find  a  most 
friendly  reception.  In  this  instance,  Pizarro  did  not  forget  the 
measures  of  policy  adopted  by  Cortes  under  similar  circumstances. 
With  a  degree  of  refined  duplicity,  and  much  show  of  cordiality, 
he  assured  the  envoy  of  Atahualpa,  that  his  mission  to  Peru  had 
for  its  object  the  internal  welfare  of  the  country,  and  that  he  came 
to  lend  the  powerful  aid  of  his  troops  to  the  pretensions  of  the 
Inca.  This  declaration  served  to  dispel  the  doubts  and  fears  of 
the  Peruvians,  who,  like  the  rest  of  the  natives  of  America,  had, 
at  the  appearance  of  the  Spaniards,  evinced  great  irresolution  in 
deciding  whether  they  ought  to  be  considered  as  celestial  beings 
or  as  formidable  enemies  ;  and  whether  it  would  not  be  more  pru- 
dent to  propitiate  them  by  a  friendly  and  deferential  conduct,  than 
risk  their  anger  by  a  doubtful  opposition.  This  uncertainty  being 
now  removed,  the  Spaniards  were  suffered  to  proceed  unmolested 
to  Caxamalca. 

But  they  had  now  to  encounter  very  severe  hardships.  Nothing 
but  a  barren,  comfortless  desert  met  their  view — immense  sandy 
plains,  which  covered  the  whole  extent  of  ground  from  St.  Mi- 
chael to  Motupe,  a  distance  of  no  less  than  fifty  miles,  throughout 
which  there  was  neither  water  nor  tree,  nor  pleasing  object  of  any 
kind,  to  greet  the  eye.  It  was,  in  fact,  an  apparently  endless 
waste  of  burning  sand  that  presented  itself.  As  soon  as  Pizarro 
had  entered  Caxamalca,  he  took  possession  of  a  large  court,  which 
he  converted  into  a  place  of  defence,  to  provide  against  any  dan- 
ger. He  then  resolved  to  send  an  embassy  to  Atahualpa,  who 
was  celebrating  a  festival  in  his  camp,  distant  about  a  league  from 
the  town.  The  Spanish  chief  intrusted  this  mission  to  his  own 
brother  Ferdinand,  and  Hernando  de  Soto,  both  on  account  of  his 
confidence  in  them,  and  of  the  superior  rank  which  they  held 
amongst  his  men.  The  instructions  which  they  received  were — 
to  be  liberal  in  their  professions  of  friendship  and  alliance,  and  to 
neglect  no  means  of  lulling  the  Inca  into  security.  Such  demon- 
strations succeeded  to  the  fullest  extent.  Atahualpa  not  only  be- 
came the  dupe  of  their  professions,  behaving  accordingly  with 
marked  kindness  and  respect  towards  the   envoys,  but  signified 


58  HISTORY  OF  THE 

his  intention  of  visiting  the  Spanish  chief  in  person  on  the  follow- 
ing day.  Ferdinand  Pizarro,  and  Soto,  were  no  less  pleased  at 
the  success  of  their  embassy,  than  they  were  powerfully  struck 
with  the  profusion  of  riches  displayed  by  the  Inca  and  his  court. 
Their  wildest  hopes  seemed  on  the  point  of  being  realized:  and 
they  returned  to  Caxamalca,  their  hearts  bounding  with  the  joy 
of  anticipated  fortune.  The  accounts  which  they  gave  regarding 
the  Inca,  the  stately  pomp  of  his  court,  the  polish  of  his  manners, 
and  the  becoming  deportment  of  his  subjects,  and,  above  all,  the 
profusion  cf  precious  metals  which  shone  in  all  their  ornaments, 
failed  not  to  create  corresponding  feelings  of  surprise  and  ardent 
expectation  in  the  bosoms  of  the  Spaniards. 

Pizarro  now  seriously  turned  his  thoughts  towards  the  best 
measures  for  accomplishing  his  design  with  the  greatest  prompti- 
tude, as  well  as  the  least  danger ;  but,  to  reconcile  these  difficul- 
ties, seemed  in  a  manner  impossible.  He  called  to  counsel  his 
brothers,  Soto  and  Benalcazar,  and  then  unfolded  to  them  a  daring 
but  perfidious  plan  of  operation.  Aware,  that  to  have  the  Inca  in 
his  power  was  of  the  first  importance,  and  bearing  in  mind  the 
success  which  had  attended  the  seizure  of  Montezuma,  he  pro- 
posed a  similar  exploit  in  the  present  case.  But  if  the  scheme 
was  bold,  it  lost  much  of  the  merit  attendant  on  great  deeds,  by 
the  mixture  of  treachery  with  which  it  was  accompanied.  Pizarro 
was  about  to  beguile  into  his  trammels  an  unsuspicious  sovereign, 
who  would  fall  without  hesitation  into  the  snare ;  whereas,  in  the 
case  of  Montezuma,  the  Spaniards  had  to  contend  with  a  host  of 
difficulties,  having  all  the  odds  against  an  extraordinary  effort  of 
magnanimity  and  daring  that  bordered  on  madness.  Peculiarity 
of  situation,  and  imminency  of  danger,  prompted  Cortes  to  adopt 
a  plan  as  bold  as  it  was  original ;  whereas  Pizarro  proceeded  coolly 
to  devise  a  stratagem,  almost  as  devoid  of  danger  as  the  natives 
were  unprepared  for  the  treachery.  He  relied  with  great  confi- 
dence on  the  success  of  his  plan  ;  bat,  like  a  good  commander,  he 
took  special  care  so  to  order  his  little  army,  that  it  might  be  pre- 
pared for  any  result.  His  sixty-two  horsemen  he  divided  into 
three  small  parties,  which  he  intrusted  to  the  command  of  Benal- 
cazar, Soto,  and  his  own  brother  Ferdinand.  The  infantry  he 
formed  into  one  compact  body,  whilst  twenty  chosen  men  were  to 
surround  his  person,  in  order  to  second  his  exertions,  in  the  event 
of  any  great  danger.  The  two  pieces  of  artillery  which  he  pos- 
sessed, as  well  as  the  crossbowmen,  were  stationed  in  front  of  the 
avenue  by  which  the  Inca  was  to  advance. 

On  the  following  morning  (November  10),  Atahualpa  set  out  on 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  59 

his  intended  visit  to  the  Spanish  camp.  But,  wishing  at  once  to 
give  those  strangers  a  striking  idea  of  his  wealth  and  power,  as 
well  as  to  do  honour  to  so  solemn  an  occasion,  he  disposed  his 
march  with  the  greatest  pomp  and  ceremony.  The  procession 
advanced  slowly ;  and  this,  together  with  the  difficulty  of  so  vast  a 
mass  moving  with  strict  order,  occasioned  considerable  delay,  and 
awakened  disagreeable  suspicions  in  the  mind  of  Pizarro.  At 
length  the  Inca  appeared,  borne  in  a  magnificent  couch,  adorned 
with  a  variety  of  feathers,  and  almost  covered  with  plates  of  gold 
and  with  precious  stones.  He  was  preceded  by  a  band  of  Indians, 
who  carefully  removed  the  stones,  or  any  other  obstruction,  how- 
ever trifling,  from  the  way,  and  followed  by  musicians  and  dancers. 
His  courtiers  were  arrayed  in  their  gayest  attire ;  and  the  whole 
procession  was  followed  by  an  army  amounting  to  thirty  thousand 
men. 

A  scene  partaking  both  of  the  ludicrous  and  the  terrible  cha- 
racter was  soon  to  render  this  first  meeting  memorable  in  after 
times.  No  sooner  had  the  Inca  arrived  at  the  Spanish  quarters, 
than  Fray  Vicente  Valverde,  a  Dominican  friar,  and  chaplain  to 
the  expedition,  advanced,  carrying  a  crucifix  in  one  hand,  and  his 
breviary  in  the  other.  Without  further  ado,  he  entered  into  a 
long  discourse,  in  which  he  endeavoured  to  explain  the  principal 
mysteries  and  tenets  of  the  Christian  religion.  This  harangue, 
which  is  given  at  great  length  by  some  historians  of  this  singular 
transaction,  took  some  time  in  the  delivery,  and  was  remarkable 
for  its  results.  Father  Valverde  declared,  that  unless  the  Inca 
yielded  blind  obedience  to  what  he  had  unfolded,  he  should  ex- 
perience a  most  terrible  award  ;  whereas,  if  he  prudently  followed 
a  contrary  course,  the  King  of  Spain  would  take  him'  under  his 
protection,  and  preserve  him  in  his  dominions  against  the  attacks 
of  the  enemy. 

Atahualpa  was  at  first  forcibly  struck  with  the  appearance  of 
the  friar,  the  violence  of  his  gesticulation,  and  the  crucifix  which 
he  constantly  held  to  view.  He,  however,  suffered  him  to  pro- 
ceed in  his  harangue,  which,  though  interpreted  to  him  at  inter- 
vals by  an  unskillful  interpreter,  was  perfectly  unintelligible.  But 
when  Valverde  had  finished,  and  when,  by  repeated  questions, 
the  Inca  obtained  a  confused  notion  of  some  of  the  arguments  in 
the  speech,  his  feelings  of  surprise  were  changed  into  those  of 
indignation.  Though  the  friar  had  unfolded  tenets,  and  spoken  of 
mysteries  which  were  totally  incomprehensible  to  the  Indian 
sovereign,  still  it  was  evident  that  proposals  of  subserviency  to  a 
foreign  power  were  made,  and  that  a  threat  was  held  out  in  case 


60  HISTORY  OF  THE 

of  non-compliance.  Such  an  alternative  was  humiliating;  but 
Atahualpa  conducted  himself  with  much  moderation  in  this  affair. 
He  began,  by  means  of  the  interpreter  Filipillo,  to  refute  some 
points  in  the  friar's  oration,  which  struck  him  as  perfectly  unjust 
and  absurd.  He  answered,  that  he  could  not  conceive  by  what 
right  the  great  man,  whom  Valverde  called  Pope,  gave  over  to 
the  other  great  man,  the  King  of  Spain,  power  and  jurisdiction 
where  he  himself  held  no  control ;  nor  why  the  latter  should  send 
to  enforce  the  execution  of  measures  which  were  wholly  unjust; 
that  the  Incas  were  the  children  of  the  Sun,  and  rightful  heirs  to 
those  territories,  which  they  had  governed  for  a  Ions:  time,  and 
which  he  was  resolved  not  to  give  up  at  the  command  of  strangers. 

The  time  spent  in  this  debate  seemed  irksome  to  some  of  the 
Spanish  soldiers,  who,  having  cast  wistful  eyes  on  the  golden 
ornaments  displayed  by  the  Indians,  found  great  difficulty  in  re- 
straining their  propensity  to  plunder.  Indeed,  it  was  with  diffi- 
culty that  Pizarro  could  check  their  impatience,  increased  as  it 
now  was  by  the  tediousness  of  so  long  an  interview.  Some  of  the 
Spaniards,  no  longer  able  to  contain  themselves,  now  rushed  for- 
ward, and  began  to  despoil  the  nearest  Indians  of  their  ornaments. 
But  this  partial  confusion  was  soon  checked  by  Pizarro,  and  also 
by  Atahualpa  himself,  who  gave  orders  to  his  men  not  to  engage 
in  conflict.*  The  Inca,  no  doubt,  was  intent  on  convincing  the 
friar  of  the  injustice  of  his  propositions  ;  and  accordingly  resumed 
the  discourse  by  declaring,  that,  if  the  Spaniards  adored  the  C4od 
which  they  had  described,  the  Incas  of  Peru  addressed  their  wor- 
ship to  their  progenitors,  the  sun  and  moon,  who  were  immortal. 
Father  Valverde,  in  a  more  impassioned  manner,  began  to  rail 
against  their  idolatry,  and  to  assert  the  truth  of  the  Christian  re- 
ligion. Hereupon,  the  Inca  inquired  what  proof  he  had  of  the 
things  which  he  advanced  I — where  he  had  received  such  infor- 
mation ? — to  which  the  friar  answered,  with  promptitude,  at  the 
same  time  holding  up  the  breviary  to  Atahualpa,  "  Those  sacred 
truths  I  have  learnt  in  this  book!"  The  Inca  took  it  into  his  hands, 
and,  having  opened  it,  he  began  to  examine  it  with  a  high  degree 
of  curiosity,  turned  it  on  every  side,  and  at  length  placed  it  near 
his  ear.  After  a  moment,  he  exclaimed,  "  This  tells  me  nothing 
of  what  you  have  said:  it  is  silent;"  and  then  he  threw  it  con- 
temptuously to  the  ground. 

This  unguarded  movement  of  the  Inca  hastened  the  crisis. 
Father  Valverde  no  sooner  beheld  the  disdainful  action,  than  he 

G.  de  la  Yeira. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  61 

snatched  up  the  book,  and,  running  towards  his  companions  in  the 
greatest  rage  and  confusion,  exclaimed,  "  Christians  !  to  arms  ! 
Prepare  to  avenge  this  profanation  !"*  The  signal  for  attack  was 
instantly  given,  and  the  Spaniards  rushed  impetuously  to  the 
charge.  The  suddenness  of  the  onset,  and  the  fearful  explosion 
of  the  firearms,  together  with  the  evolutions  of  the  cavalry,  pro- 
duced (he  same  effect  upon  the  Peruvians  that  had  been  exhibited 
at  different  periods  by  the  other  inhabitants  of  America.  They 
did  not  for  a  moment  think  of  making  any  resistance  to  their 
dreaded  antagonists,  but  fled  on  every  side,  with  the  strongest 
marks  of  consternation.  A  great  number  of  them  kept  close  round 
the  sacred  person  of  the  Inca,  whom  they  resolved  to  protect  with 
their  bodies  from  the  attacks  of  Pizarro,  who  was  now  advancing 
with  a  chosen  band  to  seize  the  Peruvian  sovereign.  But  the 
attempts  of  the  devoted  Indians  to  avert  the  fate  of  Atahualpa  were 
ineffectual.  The  Spaniards  having  slaughtered  a  considerable 
number,  at  length  made  their  way  to  the  place  where  the  Inca 
stood,  when  Pizarro,  who  was  the  foremost  of  the  band,  eagerly 
seized  him  by  the  arm,  and  carried  him  prisoner  without  further 
opposition.  The  capture  of  the  Inca  decided  the  fortune  of  the 
day.  The  Peruvians,  having  now  no  object  of  solicitude,  turned 
their  thoughts  to  their  personal  safety,  and  fled  with  precipitation 
from  their  destroyers.  But  their  hopes,  in  many  cases,  were 
baffled ;  the  Spaniards  pursued  them.  The  excitement  was  so 
great,  that,  not  distinguishing  between  fugitive  and  foe,  the  inva- 
ders dealt  their  blows  indiscriminately. 

This  terrible  slaughter  was  only  finished  with  the  approach  of 
night,  and  the  number  of  victims  was  very  great,  though  authors 
do  not  agree  in  their  enumeration  of  the  massacred.!  With  re- 
gard to  the  Spaniards,  not  a  single  man  fell  on  this  occasion,  nor 
indeed  was  any  one  hurt,  except  Pizarro  himself,  who,  in  his 
eagerness  to  seize  the  Inca,  was  slightly  wounded  by  one  of  his 
own  soldiers  in  the  confusion  which  prevailed.  The  booty  was  so 
great,  that  even  the  ardent  thirst  of  those  adventurers  for  riches 
was  allayed,  and  they  totally  forgot  the  many  and  frightful  hard- 
ships which  they  had  undergone.  The  Peruvians,  having  made 
no  resistance  whatever,  whether  from  being  impressed  with  the 
idea  that  the  Spaniards  were  children  of  the  Sun,  or  from  a  natu- 
rally pacific  disposition, it  is  certain  that  the  adventurers  considered 

'   This  circumstance,  mentioned  by  various  historians,  especially  Gomara,  is 

contradicted  by  (>.  lie  la  Vega. 

t  According  to  Xcres,  2000  were  killed;  G.  do  la  Vega  says  5000;  and 
Sancho  7000.     Perhaps  a  middle  number  would  be  the  most  reasonable  to  adopt. 


62  HISTORY  OF  THE 

themselves  in  perfect  security,  and  scrupled  not  to  venture  unpro- 
tected into  the  interior. 

The  situation  of  Atahualpa  became  no  less  galling  to  his  pride, 
than  it  was  unjustifiable  and  cruel.  He  could  not  reconcile  him- 
self to  his  fate ;  and  so  overpowered  was  he  by  so  tremendous  and 
unexpected  a  calamity,  that  for  some  time  he  was  unable  to  think 
on  the  means  of  liberating  himself  from  his  present  thraldom. 
Pizarro,  in  imitation  of  Cortes,  endeavoured  to  soothe  the  harrowed 
feelings  of  the  fallen  monarch  by  words  of  consolation,  which  the 
Inca,  not  being  able  to  reconcile  them  with  his  actions,  treated 
with  merited  contempt.  He  knew,  that  from  the  compassion  of 
his  enemies  he  had  nothing  to  expect;  and  that  he  must  address 
himself  to  much  less  worthy  feelings  of  human  nature,  in  order  to 
free  himself  from  his  misfortune.  Perceiving  that  a  thirst  after 
gold  was  the  predominating  passion  of  the  Spaniards,  he  imagined 
that,  by  affording  a  free  indulgence  to  it,  he  shodld  obtain  his 
liberty.  He  accordingly  offered  such  a  ransom  to  Pizarro  as  be- 
wildered the  imagination  of  that  chief.  He  bound  himself  to  fill 
the  apartment  in  which  he  was  held  a  prisoner,  with  golden  vessels, 
as  high  as  he  could  reach  with  his  hand.  The  Spanish  commander 
looked  incredulous  at  the  proposal;  but  seeing  that  the  Inca  per- 
sisted with  confidence  in  the  offer,  he  eagerly  closed  with  it,  and 
described  a  line  along  the  walls  of  the  apartment,  to  point  out  the 
place  to  which  the  ransom  was  to  ascend. 

Atahualpa  immediately  made  dispositions  for  the  fulfilment  of 
this  agreement.  He  sent  messengers  to  Pachacamac,  Cuzco,  and 
Quito,  three  distant  provinces,  in  order  to  collect  the  treasure. 
Hernando  Soto  and  Pedro  del  Barco  resolved  to  accompany  some 
of  those  messengers  to  Cuzco;  so  little  apprehensive  were  they  of 
danger,  knowing  that  nothing  would  be  attempted  against  them  as 
long  as  the  Inca  remained  in  their  power.  Their  expectations 
were  not  deceived.  Wherever  the  Spaniards  passed,  they  were 
treated  with  the  most  profound  marks  of  respect.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  great  distance  of  Cuzco,  200  leagues,  they  made  the  jour- 
ney with  considerable  expedition,  and  with  no  inconvenience, 
owing  to  their  method  of  traveling.  In  a  sort  of  slight  palanquin 
they  were  carried  on  the  shoulders  of  robust  and  active  Indians, 
who  traveled  at  an  amazing  rate,  and  without  much  fatigue,  being 
relieved  at  short  intervals  by  others  of  the  party,  which  generally 
consisted  of  twenty ;  and  even  these  were  replaced  by  a  fresh  relay 
at  certain  points,  several  hundreds  of  Indians  being  employed  in 
this  service.  Shortly  after  Soto  left  Caxamalca,  Ferdinand  Pizarro 
went  to  visit  the   temple  of  Pachacamac,  which  was  reputed  to 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  63 

contain  great  riches,  and  stripped  that  revered  sanctuary  of  every 
valuable  article,  without  meeting  the  least  opposition  from  the 
natives,  who,  far  from  resenting  such  a  profanation,  looked  on  the 
Spaniards  with  sentiments  of  awe  and  respect,  and  behaved  to- 
wards them  with  uniform  kindness  and  consideration. 

Such  complete  success  in  all  their  schemes,  attended  as  it  was 
with  a  facility  which  could  not  be  anticipated,  contributed  to  ren- 
der the  Spaniards  as  confident  as  they  were  daring ;  and  they 
began  to  consider  the  conquest  of  Peru  fully  achieved.  These 
favourable  anticipations  were  greatly  confirmed  by  intelligence 
now  received,  that  Almagro  had  landed  at  St.  Michael  (Decem- 
ber 1533),  with  a  force  that  would  double  their  present  number. 
Pizarro's  joy  at  this  news  was  as  great  as  the  Inca's  despondency. 
Harassed  by  contending  feelings,  Atahualpa  knew  not  how  to 
avert  the  series  of  misfortunes  by  which  he  conceived  his  liberty, 
and  even  existence,  were  so  imminently  threatened  ;  and  totally 
unacquainted  with  the  place  from  whence  the  Spaniards  came,  he 
conceived  that,  even  though  he  should  cut  off  his  present  enemy, 
fresh  numbers  would  make  their  appearance.  Besides,  the  treach- 
ery and  violence  used  by  them  in  the  first  instance,  engendered 
in  his  bosom  sentiments  of  dread  which  the  professions  of  Pizarro 
had  not  been  able  to  dispel,  and  which  became  now  doubly  alarm- 
ing, on  observing  the  arrogant  attitude  which  that  commander  now 
assumed. 

But  there  was  another,  and,  perhaps,  more  fruitful  source  of 
anxiety  to  the  Inca.  This  was  the  intelligence  which  he  re- 
ceived, that  some  of  his  oppressors  were  in  communication  with 
his  brother,  the  Inca  Huascar.  When  Hernando  Soto  arrived  at 
Sausa,  he  was  informed  that  this  unfortunate  Inca  was  kept  in 
confinement  in  that  place  by  the  officers  of  the  usurper  Atahualpa. 
He  accordingly  felt  a  desire  to  see  the  captive  prince  ;  and,  not- 
withstanding the  scrupulous  rigidness  with  which  the  orders  of 
Atahualpa  were  observed  by  his  subjects,  the  Spaniard,  either  by 
threats  or  stratagem,  succeeded  in  his  design,  and  had  an  inter- 
view with  Huascar,  who  appeared  bowed  down  by  the  weight  of 
his  misfortunes.  This  meeting  with  a  being  whom  he  considered 
of  a  superior  class,  revived  the  hopes  of  Huascar,  and  in  the  most 
pathetic  manner  he  implored  the  protection  of  the  Spaniards 
against  the  tyranny  of  Atahualpa,  whom  he  depicted  as  a  traitor 
and  a  usurper.  Having  learned  that  the  Inca  was  also  confined, 
and  the  nature  of  the  ransom  which  he  had  offered  for  his  libera- 
tion, the  unfortunate  Huascar  resolved  also  to  appeal  to  the  ava- 
rice of  the  invaders;  and  with  this  view  he  promised,  that,  should 


64  HISTORY  OF  THE 

the  strangers  restore  him  to  the  throne  which  had  been  wrenched 
from  him,  he  would  repay  their  services  with  a  reward  far  supe- 
rior to  the  one  offered  by  Atahualpa,  by  filling  the  apartment  in 
which  he  was  confined  to  the  very  roof  with  treasure.  This 
tempting  proposal  was  listened  to  by  Soto  with  a  show  of  cor- 
diality; and  he  promised  that  he  would  lay  the  affair  before  his 
commander  in  the  most  favourable  point  of  view,  and  then  took 
leave  of  the  disconsolate  Inca,  who,  far  from  feeling  reassured  by 
those  encouraging  expressions,  became  from  that  moment  de- 
pressed with  a  dismal  foreboding  of  his  approaching  doom.* 

The  devoted  officers  of  Atahualpa  lost  no  time  in  communicating 
to  the  Inca  what  had  happened.  The  intelligence  created  the 
utmost  dread  in  his  mind;  and  he  knew  that  the  offers  made  by 
Huascar  were  too  tempting  to  be  totally  despised  by  the  Span- 
iards;  and,  besides,  as  he  was  himself  conscious  of  the  injustice 
which  he  had  committed  towards  his  brother,  he  apprehended 
that  his  enemies  would  gladly  avail  themselves  of  the  least  pre- 
text that  might  combine  a  semblance  of  justice  with  their  more 
sordid  views.  Under  this  impression,  he  conceived  that,  unless 
Huascar  was  put  to  death,  his  own  destruction  would  follow.  He, 
accordingly,  did  not  hesitate  in  the  course  he  was  to  adopt ;  and 
immediately  gave  strict  orders  that  the  unfortunate  prince  should 
die — orders  which  were  but  too  punctually  obeyed  by  his  sub- 
servient officers.  Nevertheless,  Atahualpa,  fearing  no  doubt  the 
consequences  of  this  crime,  pretended  to  be  much  afflicted  by  the 
untimely  end  of  his  brother,  whose  death  he  gave  out  to  have 
been  perpetrated  without  his  sanction  by  some  of  his  people. 

Meantime,  Almagro  arrived  at  Caxamalca,  and  his  adventurers, 
fired  at  the  sight  of  the  wealth  which  was  continually  arriving 
from  every  quarter,  in  order  to  fill  up  the  stipulated  ransom, 
began,  in  conjunction  with  the  followers  of  Pizarro,  to  urge  a 
division  of  the  spoils.  The  heaps  of  gold  which  were  daily 
brought,  now  formed  so  prodigious  a  mass,  that  the  Spanish  com- 
mander gave  orders  for  the  whole  to  be  melted  down,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few  articles,  which,  from  the  ingenuity  of  their 
workmanship,  he  was  desirous  of  sending  as  a  present  to  his 
sovereign.  The  distribution  of  the  spoil  was  then  made.  A  fifth 
of  the  whole  was  set  aside  for  the  King,  and  a  hundred  thousand 
pesos  were  awarded  as  a  donative  to  the  Spaniards  who  had  lately 
arrived  with  Almagro.  After  this  arrangement,  there  were  left 
no  less  than  one  million,  twenty-eight  thousand  and  five  hundred 

Zarate. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  65 

pesos  to  Pizarro,  and  his  original  companions.  In  the  distribution 
of  this  enormous  treasure,  each  horseman  received  no  less  than 
eight  thousand  pesos,  and  each  foot-soldier  about  half  of  that  sum. 
At  that  time,  a  peso  was  considered  equivalent  in  real  value 
to  a  pound  sterling  of  the  present  money.  "With  regard  to  the 
shares  of  Pizarro  and  his  officers,  they  were  in  proportion  to  their 
rank  and  services,  and  consequently  very  great. 

No  other  instance  is  to  be  seen  in  the  whole  history  of  America, 
of  so  much  wealth  distributed  among  so  limited  a  number,  or  of 
a  booty  so  easily  acquired.  This  circumstance,  instead  of  pro- 
ducing beneficial  results  amongst  the  adventurers,  was  attended 
with  a  contrary  effect.  The  expectations  of  many  had  been  an- 
swered to  their  fullest  extent,  and  they  became  impatient  to  retrace 
their  steps,  in  order  to  enjoy  their  wealth  in  repose  and  security. 
Pizarro  saw  these  symptoms  of  discontent  with  disgust,  but  made 
no  exertion  to  smother  them.  He  had  sagacity  to  perceive,  that 
no  great  inconvenience  would  accrue  to  his  plans  from  the  absence 
of  discontented  men,  who,  having  their  wishes  fulfilled,  would 
never  be  zealous  in  the  service.  Besides,  by  sending  them  back, 
their  wealth  would  act  as  a  stimulus  to  less  fortunate  adventurers, 
who  would  eagerly  hasten  to  that  land  from  which  so  much  could 
be  obtained  in  so  short  a  space  of  time.  This  reasoning  was  just, 
and  Pizarro  resolved  to  put  it  into  execution.  He  accordingly 
proposed  to  those  who  were  anxious  to  return,  to  accompany  his 
brother  Ferdinand  to  Spain,  whither  that  officer  was  now  sent, 
intrusted  with  the  present  and  share  of  the  wealth  for  the  king, 
as  well  as  commissioned  to  give  a  circumstantial  account  of  the 
progress  of  the  Spaniards  in  Peru. 

Meantime,  Atahualpa,  considering  that  he  had  fulfilled  his  part 
of  the  agreement,  became  importunate  that  Pizarro  should  show 
the  same  punctuality  in  his.  But  his  remonstrances  to  be  restored 
to  liberty  were  treated  bv  the  Spaniards  with  the  most  perfect  in- 
difference. Indeed,  far  from  fulfilling  the  contract,  Atahualpa 
perceived  symptoms  of  a  very  hostile  character,  not  only  with 
regard  to  his  liberty,  but  even  to  the  safety  of  his  life.  The  de- 
portment of  Pizarro  towards  his  prisoner  was  such  as  to  create 
the  most  dismal  forebodings;  nor  did  perhaps  that  chiel  feel  anx- 
ious to  disguise  the  true  state  of  his  feelings  with  respect  to  the 
Inca.  I  Jut  yet,  so  atrocious  a  crime  as  thai  of  putting  him  to 
death  could  not  be  contemplated  by  Pizarro  without  some  degree 
of  dread  and  remorse.  Reckless  of  consequences,  and  unscrupu- 
lous regarding  the  means  of  obtaining  his  aims,  we  may  absolve 
him  from  part  of  the  odium  which  attaches  to  bis  name  on  account 


66  HISTORY  OF  THE 

of  the  Inca's  death,  which  was  actually  brought  about  in  the  se- 
quel; but  several  reasons  subsist,  which,  though  perfectly  unjusti- 
fiable, and  in  no  manner  to  be  admitted  on  the  score  of  humanity, 
are  such  as  to  lessen  the  horror  of  so  black  and  nefarious  a  trans- 
action. 

Almagro  and  his  companions  were  greatly  dissatisfied  with  the 
distribution  made  of  the  treasure  already  acquired  ;  for  though  so 
liberal  an  allowance  had  been  granted  to  those  adventurers,  who 
came  as  it  were  to  reap  the  harvest  prepared  by  Pizarro's  party, 
yet  they  could  ill  acquiesce  in  the  decision,  that  to  the  treasure 
collected  for  the  Inca's  ransom  they  had  no  claim,  further  than 
what  their  companions  pleased  to  assign.  Almagro's  party  felt 
apprehensive,  that,  under  this  pretext,  the  followers  of  Pizarro 
would  contrive  to  appropriate  to  themselves  all  the  booty  that 
might  be  collected,  as  long  as  Atahualpa  remained  a  captive;  and 
accordingly,  with  the  view  of  removing  this  stumbling-block  to 
their  rapacity,  they  now  grew  clamorous  for  his  death.  They 
considered,  that,  by  this  means,  all  the  adventurers  would  be  put 
on  a  perfect  equality.  The  reiterated  remonstrances  of  the  sol- 
diers were  not  unheeded  by  Pizarro,  who  had  lately  received 
alarming  intelligence,  that  numerous  forces  were  assembling  in 
remote  parts  of  the  country,  which,  he  concluded,  were  meant  to 
effect  the  liberation  of  the  Inca.  This  idea  gave  great  uneasiness 
both  to  Pizarro  and  Almagro.  The  former,  with  the  mistrust 
natural  to  his  character,  readily  conceived  that  Atahualpa  himself 
was  the  instigator  of  these  warlike  preparations.  No  sooner  did 
such  a  suspicion  enter  his  mind,  than,  partly  from  inclination,  and 
partly  from  fear  of  what  might  happen  in  the  sequel,  unless  a 
decisive  step  was  taken,  he  began  to  entertain  serious  thoughts  of 
sacrificing  the  captive  Inca.  The  soldiers  of  Almagro  grew  more 
clamorous  every  day  ;  but,  as  if  all  these  circumstances  were  not 
enough  to  decide  the  fate  of  Atahualpa,  there  was  unfortunately 
another  which  contributed  to  expedite  his  tragic  end. 

In  the  party  of  Pizarro,  there  was  an  Indian  called  Filipillo, 
whom  he  had  taken  at  Tumbez  in  1527,  that  he  might  learn  the 
Spanish  language,  and  act  as  an  interpreter.  This  man  was 
master  of  that  tortuous  cunning  which  falls  generally  to  the  share 
of  low  minds.  Notwithstanding  the  meanness  of  his  origin  and 
subordinate  station,  he  had  the  presumption  to  aspire  to  the  affec- 
tion of  a  coya,  or  princess,  one  of  the  Inca's  wives.  He  knew, 
however,  the  absolute  impossibility  of  accomplishing  his  wishes, 
so  long  as  Atahualpa  was  alive  ;  and  therefore,  he  became  ex- 
tremely anxious  to  expedite   his  death.     He   insidiously  propa- 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  67 

gated  the  most  alarming  rumours  concerning  the  treachery  pre- 
meditated by  the  captive  prince,  and  availed  himself  of  every 
means  of  infusing  the  most  dismal  apprehensions  into  the  hearts 
of  the  Spaniards.  His  efforts  were  attended  with  complete  suc- 
cess. The  demands  for  the  death  of  the  unfortunate  Inca  were  re- 
iterated ;  and  though  some,  more  humane  than  their  companions, 
contended  that  the  life  of  Atahualpa  should  be  spared,  and  that 
he  should  be  sent  to  Spain,  those  partial  appeals  of  compassion 
and  justice  were  drowned  in  the  general  tumult  of  interests  which 
prevailed.  Another  event  soon  occurred  to  accelerate  the  fate  of 
the  captive.  Among  the  arts  with  which  the  Spaniards  were 
acquainted,  none  struck  so  much  the  imagination  of  Atahualpa 
as  that  of  communicating  ideas  by  means  of  writing.  Pizarro, 
as  we  have  observed,  was  ignorant  of  the  first  rudiments  of  in- 
struction;  and  when  the  Inca  found  him  deficient  in  an  accom- 
plishment which  was  possessed  by  his  soldiers,  he  could  not  but 
look  upon  him  with  those  feelings  of  contempt  which  his  appa- 
rent inferiority  seemed  to  justify.  This  awoke  the  indignation  of 
Pizarro,  who,  already  disposed  to  sacrifice  the  Inca  to  views  of 
interest  and  policy,  now  found  an  additional  inducement  to  carry 
his  design  into  execution,  in  the  suggestions  of  wounded  pride. 

But  Pizarro  and  Almagro,  however  anxious  they  might  be  for 
the  death  of  Atahualpa,  were  yet  willing  to  give  a  colouring  of 
justice  to  so  atrocious  an  act.  A  sort  of  mock  trial  was  immediately 
instituted  against  the  unfortunate  Inca,  who  was  arraigned  before  a 
strange  tribunal  composed  ot  his  avowed  enemies,  to  answer  charges 
still  more  strange  and  extraordinary.  He  was  accused  of  various 
offences,  both  against  the  country  which  he  governed,  and  against 
the  Spaniards.  In  the  first  head  were  included  his  having 
usurped  the  crown  to  the  prejudice  of  the  rightful  owner,  and 
the  murder  of  that  owner  in  the  person  of  his  brother  Huascar. 
With  regard  to  the  second  part  of  the  charge,  he  was  accused  of 
having  excited  his  subjects  to  rebellion,  with  a  view  to  the  de- 
struction of  the  Spaniards.  To  these  principal  accusations,  a 
few  of  a  more  singular  nature  were  added,  such  as  his  keeping 
too  great  a  number  of  concubines,  his  wasting  the  royal  wealth, — 
and  others  of  a  similar  description.  The  affair  was  conducted 
with  all  the  formalities  of  a  court  of  justice.  Pizarro,  Almagro, 
and  two  other  officers,  were  named  judges.  An  advocate  was 
appointed  to  carry  on  the  prosecution,  and  another  to  conduct  the 
defence  of  the  supposed  delinquent.  In  fine,  even  clerks  were 
chosen  to  set  down  the  proceedings  of  this  extraordinary  trial. 

Witnesses  were  then  produced  to  prove  the  guilt  of  Atahualpa; 


US  HISTORY  OF  THE 


but  as  their  depositions  were  to  be  interpreted  by  the  traitorous 
Filipillo,  it  is  easy  to  conceive  that  the  worst  colouring  would  be 
given  to  every  circumstance,  and  that  nothing  but  downright  im- 
posture could  be  expected  from  such  a  source.  The  offences  of 
the  [nca  were,  therefore,  in  the  estimation  of  his  judges,  most 
satisfactorily  established,  and  they  proceeded  forthwith  to  pass 
sentence  of  death  on  the  prisoner,  with  a  degree  of  serious  ef- 
frontery that  has  few  parallels  in  history.  He  was  condemned 
to  be  burned  alive.  The  Inca,  no  less  surprised  than  appalled 
at  such  a  sentence,  exclaimed  loudly  against  the  atrocious  conduct 
of  his  enemies.  He  protested  his  innocence — pleaded  the  solemn 
promise  made  by  Pizarro,  of  granting  him  his  liberty  upon  the 
payment  of  the  ransom — and  demanded  that  he  should  be  sent 
to  Spain,  in  order  that  he  might  be  judged  by  its  king.  But  these 
remonstrances  were  totally  unheeded  by  Pizarro.  The  Inca  next 
endeavoured  to  soften  the  hearts  of  his  oppressors,  by  mournful 
appeals  to  their  pity,  as  well  as  to  their  avarice;  but  all  his  exer- 
tions were  of  no  avail,  and  he  was  ordered  to  prepare  for  his  ap- 
proaching doom.  Father  Yalverde  was  then  sent  to  convert  the 
wretched  prince  to  Christianity.  Atahualpa  heard  the  words  of 
the  friar  with  listless  apathy;  but  as  a  ray  of  hope  was  held  out 
to  him  in  case  he  should  receive  baptism,  the  idea  of  averting  his 
frightful  fate,  probably  more  than  Valverde's  arguments,  induced 
him  to  allow  himself  to  be  baptized.  But  the  expectations  of  the 
victim  were  dreadfully  disappointed.  No  sooner  was  the  sacred 
ceremony  performed,  than  the  Inca  was  led  out  to  execution.  The 
only  mitigation  being  in  the  manner  of  his  death,  for  he  was 
strangled  at  the  stake,  instead  of  perishing  in  the  flames.* 

Such  was  the  end  of  the  Inca  Atahualpa,  a  prince  of  consider- 
able abilities,  and  much  respected  by  his  subjects,  notwithstanding 
the  character  of  usurper,  which  was  by  many  ascribed  to  him. 
Perhaps,  the  whole  history  of  the  conquest  of  America,  does  not 
present  an  act  more  unjust  and  atrocious  than  his  execution.  It  is, 
indeed,  one  of  those  deeds  which  have  most  materially  contributed 
to  cast  an  indelible  stain  on  the  memory  of  Pizarro  and  his  cruel 
companions.  But,  fortunately  for  the  honour  of  the  Spanish  name, 
and  for  humanity,  this  barbarous  measure  was  not  carried  into 
effect  without  great  and  decided  opposition.  Many  Spaniards 
remonstrated  loudly  against  the  injustice  and  cruelty  of  the  trans- 
action, and  used  their  best  endeavours  to  prevent  the  consumma- 
tion of  the  sentence.     Among  these  humane  individuals,  were 


*  Gomara. — Zarate. — G.  de  la  Vefja. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  69 

several  officers  of  merit  and  distinction;  in  the  number  of  whom 
was  Juan  de  Herrada,  who  had  been  appointed  to  conduct  the 
defence  of  Atahualpa,  and  who  evinced  throughout  the  utmost 
solicitude  for  the  unfortunate  Inca.  But  the  efforts  of  the  few 
were  overpowered  by  the  violence  of  the  many.  The  mind,  how- 
ever, while  contemplating  this  sanguinary  transaction,  is  soothed 
by  reposing  on  such  exertions  of  virtue  and  humanity,  even 
though  unattended  with  success.  Stimulated  by  such  a  feeling, 
the  early  historians  record  with  applause  the  names  of  the  prin- 
cipal advocates  for  Atahualpa;  and  a  similar  sentiment  will  justify 
their  insertion  in  our  pages.  The  most  prominent  were,  the 
brothers  Francis  and  Diego  Chaves,  F.  Fuentes,  Pedro  de  Ayala, 
Diego  Mora,  F.  Moscoso,  Pedro  de  Mendoza,  Alonzo  de  Avila, 
H.  de  Haro.* 


CHAPTER  V. 

Proceedings  niter  the  death  of  Atahualpa. — Points  of  contention  among  Pizarro 
and  Almagro,  &c. 

The  death  of  Atahualpa  gave  the  Spaniards  a  firm  footing  in 
Peru.  The  natives,  perhaps  awed  by  previous  events,  too  timid 
or  perhaps  too  indolent  to  attempt  the  expulsion  of  the  invaders, 
far  from  renewing  their  exertions  against  them,  appeared  anxious 
to  conciliate  their  favour.  The  demise  of  the  two  Incas  had 
left  them  without  a  leader  or  a  rallying  point.  Pizarro  soon  saw 
the  advantages  of  his  position,  and,  with  much  policy,  resolved 
to  confer  the  crown  on  some  person  that  might  prove  an  easy  tool 
in  his  hands.  But  while  the  Peruvians  anxiously  courted  the 
friendship  and  alliance  of  the  Spaniards,  they  were  far  from  being 
unanimous  among  themselves.  They  were  divided  into  two 
powerful  factions,  which  supported  the  respective  claims  of  Manco, 
the  brother  of  Iluascar,  and  ofa  son  of  the  late  Atahualpa.  Pizarro 
prudently  recognized  the  latter  claimant,  as  be  conceived  that  a 
weak  youth  would  more  eiiicientlv  second  his  designs,  than  a 
more  mature  and  experienced  prince.  But  the  spirit  of  disaffec- 
tion which,  however,  prevailed  in  the  country,  was  considered  by 
the  Spaniards  as  most  fortunate  to  their  ulterior  plans. 

*   (ioniara. — (i.  de  la  Ye<_ra. 


70  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Pizarro,  meantime,  with  strange  inconsistency,  affected  sorrow 
for  the  death  of  Atahualpa,  and,  putting  himself  in  mourning, 
caused  the  funeral  obsequies  to  be  performed  with  a  show  of  respect, 
greatly  at  variance  with  his  former  injustice.  lie  next  turned  his 
thoughts  to  the  affairs  of  the  country,  which  he  perceived  in- 
volved in  the  utmost  confusion.  Not  only  were  the  two  principal 
factions  in  active  preparation  against  each  other,  but  in  some  of 
the  remote  provinces  of  the  empire,  some  of  the  lieutenants  as- 
pired at  independence  and  absolute  command.  Nor  was  this 
strange  ;  the  decided  character  of  Atahualpa's  measures  had  pro- 
duced a  striking  change  in  the  minds  of  the  Peruvians.  That 
Inca  had  sacrificed  to  his  personal  interests  so  many  of  the  re- 
puted descendants  of  the  Sun,  that  the  profound  veneration  with 
which  that  race  was  once  beheld  had  been  gradually  decreasing, 
and  the  survivors  were  looked  upon,  under  existing  circumstances, 
with  comparative  indifference.  Besides,  the  indignities  which 
Atahualpa  had  suffered  from  the  Spaniards,  and  the  death  to 
which  they  had  with  impunity  condemned  him,  were  of  them- 
selves enough  to  shake  the  belief  of  the  Peruvians  in  the  awful 
power  of  the  children  of  the  Sun. 

This  state  of  affairs  led  to  very  important  results.  By  weak- 
ening the  resources  of  the  natives,  the  strength  of  the  Spaniards 
was  exceedingly  increased,  and  the  latter  beheld  the  anarchy 
which  prevailed  with  the  interest  felt  by  a  third  party,  who  ex- 
pects to  reap  the  advantage  of  a  contention  between  other  two. 
Soon  after  the  death  of  Atahualpa,  Pizarro  departed  for  Cuzco, 
attracted  by  the  reputed  riches  of  that  city.  His  absence  em- 
boldened the  Peruvians  to  dig  up  the  body  of  the  Inca,  in  order 
to  carry  it  to  Quito,  there  to  be  buried  according  to  the  desire  of 
the  deceased  prince.  Among  the  chiefs  of  Atahualpa,  there  was 
one  distinguished  no  less  by  his  ambition  than  by  his  abilities  and 
courage.  Ruminiani  was  the  name  of  this  commander,  who  no 
sooner  learnt  the  fate  of  his  late  master,  than  he  conceived  the 
bold  project  of  aiming  at  sovereign  independence.  Fearful,  how- 
ever, that  his  plans  might  be  defeated  before  they  were  ripened 
for  execution,  he  affected  to  be  deeply  moved  at  the  doom  of  the 
Inca,  and  began  to  make  great  preparations  in  Quito,  in  order  to 
perform  the  funeral  rites,  which  had  been  neglected,  with  the 
greatest  pomp  and  solemnity.  Having  caused  the  body  to  be 
embalmed,  he  invited  the  attendance  of  the  relatives  and  chiefs 
of  the  deceased  to  the  ceremony.  All  this,  however,  was  done 
with  the  view  of  perpetrating  a  most  refined  act  of  treacherous 
cruelty.     The  principal  personages  being  assembled  at  Quito  as 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  71 

he  anticipated,  and  the  funeral  obsequies  having  been  performed, 
he  invited  to  a  splendid  banquet  all  the  leading-  persons  attached 
to  Atahualpa,  among  whom  was  Quilliscacha,  the  brother  of  that 
Inca.  Ruminiani  pretended  that  this  meeting  was  held  for  the 
purpose  of  concerting  measures  for  the  expulsion  of  the  Spaniards, 
as  well  as  for  raising  Quilliscacha  to  the  throne.  The  traitor  ad- 
ministered to  his  guests  abundant  draughts  of  a  beverage  called 
sora,  and  which  produces  intoxication.  When  he  found  them 
oppressed  by  the  influence  of  this  liquid,  he  fell  with  his  parti- 
sans on  his  defenceless  victims,  and  put  every  one  of  them  most 
barbarously  to  death.* 

Meantime,  the  disordered  state  of  the  country,  as  well  as  the 
reinforcements  which  Pizarro  had  received,  emboldened  that  com- 
mander to  advance  towards  Cuzco.  Recruits  had  flocked  from 
Guatimala,  Panama  and  Nicaragua,  in  such  numbers,  attracted  by 
the  tempting  allurements  held  out  by  Ferdinand  Pizarro  and  Soto, 
that,  besides  a  considerable  garrison  which  the  Spanish  general 
thought  it  prudent  to  leave  at  St.  Michael  under  the  command  of 
Benalcazar,  he  was  able  to  pursue  his  march  at  the  head  of  five 
hundred  men,  a  force  far  superior  to  any  that  had  yet  appeared 
in  the  country.  Indeed,  this  little  army  appeared  so  considerable 
in  the  estimation  of  Pizarro,  that  he  continued  his  march  with 
such  a  degree  of  confidence  as  to  neglect  clue  measures  of  pru- 
dence against  treason  or  surprisal.  Accordingly,  Ben  Gluizquiz, 
one  of  the  Peruvian  generals,  having  collected  a  numerous  body, 
and  duly  informed  himself  of  the  movements  of  the  Spaniards, 
had  resolved  to  begin  hostilities.  Fearing,  however,  to  encounter 
his  redoubtable  foe  in  the  open  field,  he  turned  his  thoughts  to 
the  fulfillment  of  his  design  by  stratagem.  He  lay  in  ambuscade 
in  a  mountainous  district,  near  the  road  by  which  the  Spaniards 
had  to  pass,  and,  falling  suddenly  upon  their  rear  with  a  body 
of  six  hundred  men,  he  succeeded  in  killing  seventeen  Spaniards, 
besides  wounding  many,  and  carrying  off  eight  of  them  prisoners. 
Pizarro  immediatelv  gave  the  signal  to  charge;  but  the  sagacious 
Quizquiz  ordered  a  retreat  into  the  mountainous  parts,  where  the 
cavalry  could  not  operate,  and,  after  suffering  tin;  loss  of  about 
seventy  men,  succeeded  in  effecting  his  escape  with  the  prisoners 
he  had  taken. 

Ciuizquiz  found,  with  feelings  of  vindictive  satisfaction,  that 
among  the  captives  was  one  Cuellar,  who  had  played  a  principal 
part  in  the  trial  and  death  of  Atahualpa.     As  soon,  therefore,  as 


Leon. — Zarate. — ('•.  do.  la  Vrira. 


72  HISTORY  OF  THE 

he  arrived  at  Caxamalca,  he  condemned  that  individual  to  suffer 
the  same  fate  that  had  been  inflicted  on  the  Inca,  which  sentence 
was  immediately  carried  into  execution.  Fortunately  for  the 
other  captives,  there  were  in  the  number  F.  Chaves,  and  H.  de 
Haro,  two  of  those  humane  Spaniards  who  had  exerted  them- 
selves in  favour  of  Atahualpa  ;  in  consideration  of  whom,  Q,uiz- 
quiz  not  only  spared  the  lives  of  the  prisoners,  but  caused  their 
wounds  to  be  carefully  tended,  and  then  set  them  at  liberty. 

Pizarro,  meantime,  after  several  skirmishes  with  the  natives,  in 
all  of  which  he  came  off  victorious  with  very  trifling  loss,  ef- 
fected at  length  his  entry  into  Cuzco,  and  took  undisturbed  pos- 
session of  that  city.  This  event  produced  the  most  lively  joy 
among  the  Spaniards.  Indeed  the  riches  which  were  found  in 
this  place  were  enormous,  and  surpassed  the  ransom  offered  by 
Atahualpa.  The  inhabitants  of  Cuzco,  influenced  either  by  a 
feeling  of  superstition,  or  by  hatred  towards  the  Spaniards,  had 
concealed  the  ornaments  of  their  temples  with  the  greatest  pre- 
caution. Nothing,  however,  escaped  the  vigilance  of  the  in- 
vaders, and  the  whole  treasure  of  Cuzco  fell  into  their  power. 
Some  idea  may  be  formed  of  the  largeness  of  the  sum  collected, 
from  this  circumstance,  that,  after  deducting  the  fifth  of  the  gross 
amount,  no  less  than  1,920,000  pesos  were  divided  among  the 
private  soldiers,  the  officers  and  the  two  commanders  having 
much  larger  shares  in  proportion  to  their  rank.  Before  the  ar- 
rival of  the  Spaniards  at  Cuzco,  the  son  of  Atahualpa  died  ;  and 
Pizarro,  wholly  absorbed  with  the  rich  plunder  of  the  city,  took 
no  measures  for  naming  a  successor  to  the  late  Inca.  Accord- 
ingly, the  claims  of  Manco  Capac  were  admitted  without  any  op- 
position. 

But  an  event  of  greater  importance  demanded  the  attention  of 
the  Spanish  commander.  By  some  strange  fatality,  it  seemed  to 
have  been  decreed  that  the  conquerors  of  Mexico  should  be  more 
perplexed  by  jealous  fears  regarding  the  operations  of  their  own 
countrymen,  than  by  the  hostile  movements  of  their  enemies. 
Thus  it  was  in  the  present  instance.  The  alarm  of  Pizarro  was 
strongly  excited  by  the  intelligence  which  he  received  of  the 
arrival  of  a  numerous  body  of  Spaniards  in  the  country,  under 
the  command  of  Pedro  de  Alvorado.  This  celebrated  captain, 
who  played  one  of  the  most  prominent  parts  in  the  conquest  of 
Mexico,  had  received,  in  recompense  of  his  services,  the  govern- 
ment of  Guatimala;  but  he  soon  became  tired  of  a  life  of  slothful 
case,  so  contrary  to  his  former  career,  and  to  the  natural  bent  of 
his  character.     He  longed  to  encounter  new  perils,  and   to  enter 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  73 

on  fresh  adventures,  to  increase  his  wealth  and  his  fame.  The 
reputation  of  the  countries  which  Pizarro  had  discovered,  natu- 
rally enough  awoke  his  ambition;  and  he  resolved  to  undertake 
an  expedition  to  those  regions,  in  the  hopes  of  reaping  a  portion 
of  the  spoil. 

He  accordingly  put  himself  at  the  head  of  500  good  soldiers, 
his  great  renown  as  a  commander  having  procured  him  adven- 
turers from  every  side;  and,  with  this  considerable  body  of  men, 
he  landed  at  Puerto  Viejo.  His  views  were  directed  towards 
Quito,  which,  he  believed,  or  at  least  affected  to  believe,  not  in- 
cluded within  the  jurisdiction  granted  to  Pizarro.  Having  formed 
the  resolution  of  invading  it,  he  began  his  march  with  much 
alacrity,  but  with  so  little  knowledge  of  the  country,  that  during 
his  progress,  he  was  exposed  to  the  most  severe  toils  and  disasters. 
Fortunately,  his  men  were  of  a  caliber  not  to  be  easily  subdued 
by  calamity.  Among  them  there  were  some  who,  like  their 
chief,  had  been  the  glorious  companions  of  Cortes  ;  and  the  rest 
were  endowed  with  that  extraordinary  power  of  enduring  all  man- 
ner of  hardships,  which  was  so  strikingly  displayed  by  the  Span- 
iards in  America.  Alvarado  had  forced  his  march  through  one 
of  the  most  difficult  and  obstructed  routs  in  the  New  World. 
He  had  to  cross  the  ridge  of  the  Andes  in  the  most  impracticable 
part,  and  to  force  his  way  through  thick  forests  and  over  marshy 
grounds.  The  cold,  as  soon  as  he  began  to  ascend  those  gigantic 
mountains,  was  so  intense  as  to  cause  the  death  of  many  of  his 
followers.  Accordingly,  when  Alvarado  at  length  arrived  at  the 
plains  of  Q,uito,  one-fifth  at  least  of  the  men  had  perished,  and 
the  rest  were  so  much  exhausted  as  to  be  wholly  inadequate  to 
the  fatigues  of  active  service. 

The  city  of  Cluito  enjoyed  among  the  Peruvians  the  fame  of 
being  extremely  opulent,  it  being  currently  reported  and  believed, 
that  the  greater  part  of  Atahualpa's  treasures  were  contained  in 
that  place.  So  high  a  reputation  determined  Benalcazar,  a  gallant 
officer  who  commanded  for  Pizarro  at  St.  Michael,  to  attempt  its 
reduction.  The  undertaking  was  indeed  one  of  appalling  diffi- 
culty: but  neither  the  great  distance  of  Cluito,  the  mountainous 
nature  of  the  territories  he  had  to  pass,  nor  the  accounts  which 
he  heard  of  the  cruelty  and  treachery  of  Ruminiani,  the  Indian 
leader,  were  sufficient  to  damp  the  ardour  of  Benalcazar  and  his 
companions  in  their  enterprising  course.  They  completely  tri- 
umphed over  their  enemies  in  several  partial  rencounters  which 
they  had  to  sustain,  until  Iviiininiani  in  despair  abandoned  Uutto, 
and  fled  for  safety  to  the  mountains. 


74  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Meantime,  Pizarro  having  received  due  intelligence  of  Alva- 
rado's  expedition,  hastened  to  provide  against  the  threatened  dan- 
ger. Almagro  was  sent  immediately  with  as  strong  a  force  as 
could  be  conveniently  spared,  in  order  to  oppose  the  progress  of 
the  invader.  Alvarado,  meantime,  had  effected  his  landing  with- 
out resistance,  and  made  his  way  through  the  country  with  the 
same  facility  in  reference  to  the  Spaniards,  though  exposed,  as 
has  been  mentioned  above,  to  many  severe  trials  and  disasters. 
Benalcazar,  being  duly  apprised  of  the  new  danger  that  threatened 
their  hopes,  now  hastened  to  join  Almagro,  which  he  accomplished 
without  difficulty.  This  reinforcement  was  of  great  avail  to  that 
leader,  who,  however  brave  himself,  and  accustomed  to  present 
an  undaunted  front  to  the  most  imminent  danger,  could  not  but 
regard  the  formidable  invader  whom  he  was  now  going  to  oppose 
with  feelings  of  apprehension.  The  junction  of  the  parties  of 
Almagro  and  Benalcazar  being  thus  effected,  those  two  chiefs, 
after  beating  for  some  time  about  the  country  to  disencumber 
themselves  of  the  flying  parties  of  Indians  that  infested  it,  now 
directed  their  attention  towards  a  more  redoubtable  foe.  They 
sent  a  detachment  of  seven  horse  to  reconnoiter,  but  these  fell 
into  the  power  of  Alvarado,  who,  however,  immediately  set  them 
at  liberty.  This  augured  in  favour  of  a  friendly  disposition, 
which,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was  difficult  to  reconcile  with  the 
importance  of  such  a  man  and  the  force  by  which  he  was  sup- 
ported. It  could  never  enter  the  imagination  of  Almagro,  or  of 
his  followers,  that  a  person  of  Alvarado's  rank  and  celebrity, 
would  abandon  his  government  and  encounter  numberless  toils, 
merely  for  the  sake  of  affording  assistance  to  the  conquerors  of 
Peru,  who  had  never  applied  to  him  for  it. 

Almaoro  and  Alvarado  came  in  sight  of  each  other  in  the  plains 
of  Riobaba,  and  presented  themselves  in  a  hostile  array.  But 
neither  Almagro  nor  Benalcazar  seemed  anxious  to  join  in  the 
conflict  as  they  perceived  that  the  force  of  the  enemy  was  three 
times  their  own  in  number.  Alvarado,  however,  advanced  prompt- 
ly to  the  attack,  when,  after  a  little  skirmishing,  the  soldiers  of 
both  parties  refused  to  fight,  and  mingling  together,  began  to  hold 
friendly  converse  among  themselves.  They  could  not  forget  that 
not  only  they  were  all  Spaniards,  but  that  most  of  them  belonged 
to  the  province  of  Estremadura,  and  that  not  a  few  were  bound 
by  the  ties  of  relationship  or  acquaintance.  This  fortunate  occur- 
rence put  a  stop  to  the  unnatural  contest,  and  delayed  those  dis- 
astrous scenes  which  were  in  a  few  years  to  exhibit  the  conquerors 
of  Peru,  glutted  with  the  blood  of  the  natives,  turning  their 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  75 

ferocity  against  each  other,  and  affording  a  terrible  picture  of  the 
horrors  of  civil  disunion.  The  licentiate  Caldera,  a  prudent  man, 
perceiving  the  turn  which  affairs  had  taken,  hastened  to  follow 
up  so  fortunate  a  commencement.  He  became  a  zealous  mediator 
between  the  contending  parties;  and  after  some  negotiation,  the 
difference  was  adjusted  to  general  satisfaction.  By  the  articles 
of  the  treaty,  Alvarado  bound  himself  to  withdraw  from  the 
territory,  and  pursue  his  course  of  discovery  and  conquest  towards 
the  south;  and  engaged  that  he,  as  well  as  Pizarro  and  Almagro, 
should  labour  with  one  accord,  and  share  the  emoluments  and 
glory  of  their  future  conquests.  Such  was  the  main  point  of  the 
agreement  as  it  was  given  out  to  the  army;  though  a  very  different 
one  had  been  arranged  in  private,  and  which  it  was  thought  pru- 
dent not  to  divulge,  in  order  to  prevent  the  indignant  feelings 
which  would  naturally  burst  forth  from  many  of  the  companions 
of  Alvarado.*  This  accommodation  was  made  by  the  sacrifice 
of  one  hundred  thousand  pesos,  upon  the  receipt  of  which  the 
Governor  of  Guatimala  offered  to  retrace  his  steps. 

After  this  amicable  arrangement,  Alvarado  granted  leave  to  such 
of  his  men  as  were  anxious  to  join  the  fortunes  of  the  conquerors 
of  Peru,  to  follow  their  wishes,  by  which  means  the  strength  of 
Pizarro  became  considerably  augmented.  Benalcazar  then  took 
possession  of  Quito,  where  he  remained  with  a  competent  force  to 
protect  the  country  from  the  aggressions  of  the  natives.  Alvarado 
desired  to  have  an  interview  with  Pizarro  at  Cuzco,  both  to  con- 
gratulate an  old  brother-in-arms,  and  to  see  the  country  which  he 
had  subjected  to  the  Spanish  power.  In  their  march,  the  Span- 
iards had  several  encounters  with  the  natives,  under  the  command 
of  (iuizquiz,  in  which,  though  they  came  oft*  victorious,  yet  these 
advantages  were  attended  with  very  considerable  losses.!"  Mean- 
time, Pizarro,  though  rejoiced  to  see  things  settled  in  an  amicable 
manner  with  Alvarado,  could  not  but  feel  uneasy  at  the  sojourn  of 
so  formidable  a  rival  in  the  country;  and  therefore  it  became  his 
earnest  desire  to  expedite  his  departure.  Being  informed  that 
Alvarado  was  advancing  towards  Cuzco,  he  soon  perceived  the 
policy  of  not  allowing  that  chief  to  be  tempted  anew  by  the  riches 
of  that  city,  as  well  as  of  keeping  him  within  a  short  distance  of 
the  coast.  Pizarro,  therefore,  with  great  promptitude,  collected 
the  price  which  was  to  purchase  the  departure  of  Alvarado,  and 
which  Diego  de  Almagro  had  been  unable  to  pay.  He  committed 
the  command  and  security  of  Cuzco  to  his  brothers,  and,  without 

*  Leon. — Gomaru. — Ziiratc.  t  <J.  do  la  Vega. 


76  HISTORY  OF  THE 

loss  of  time,  went  to  Pachacamac,  there  to  await  the  arrival  of  the 
Governor  of  Guatimala.  The  latter  made  his  appearance  within 
the  space  of  twenty  days,  and  a  meeting  between  the  two  veterans 
took  place. 

The  warmest  cordiality  was  manifested  on  this  occasion  :  mutual 
tokens  of  regard  were  exchanged ;  and  several  days  were  spent 
in  feasting  and  rejoicing,  in  recounting  past  dangers  and  exploits, 
and  anticipating  new  hardships  and  triumphs.  Pizarro,  either 
from  motives  of  policy,  or  from  real  esteem  for  the  character  and 
renown  of  a  great  chief  as  well  as  old  companion,  departed  from 
that  double  and  treacherous  conduct  which  unfortunately  he  had 
too  often  displayed  during  his  eventful  career.  He  rejected  the 
counsel  of  some  of  his  men,  who  advised  him  to  lay  violent  hands 
on  Alvarado,  and  send  him  prisoner  to  Spain  without  the  stipu- 
lated sum.  On  the  contrary,  he  not  only  scrupulously  paid  the 
hundred  thousand  pesos,  but  added  twenty  thousand  more  to  de- 
fray the  expenses  of  the  journey.*  Alvarado  and  Pizarro  took 
their  leave  of  each  other  with  mutual  professions  of  regard  ;  and 
the  former  returned  to  Guatimala,  pledging  himself  to  forward 
the  views  of  Pizarro,  should  that  commander  ever  stand  in  need 
of  his  assistance.  Pizarro  now  dispatched  his  companion  Almagro 
to  Cuzco,  while  he  himself  remained  in  the  valley  of  Pachacamac, 
with  the  intention  of  founding  a  colony  on  the  coast.  He  sent 
several  experienced  persons  to  explore  those  places,  and  to  select 
a  convenient  spot  for  his  design.  About  four  leagues  to  the  north 
of  Pachacamac,  a  port  was  discovered,  well  adapted  to  the  purpose 
of  opening  a  communication  between  the  sea  and  the  inland  coun- 
try. Pizarro,  finding  that  it  answered  in  all  respects  his  expecta- 
tions, began  the  foundation  of  the  Ciudad  de  los  Reyes,]  in  the 
year  1535. 

Previous  to  this  time,  intelligence  had  been  received  of  the  safe 
arrival  of  Ferdinand  Pizarro  in  Spain,  and  the  extraordinary  decree 
of  favour  with  which  he  was  welcomed  by  the  court.  Indeed,  the 
rich  presents  with  which  he  made  his  appearance,  could  not  fail  of 
exciting  a  corresponding  sentiment  of  joy  and  gratitude  on  a  mo- 
narch, who  found  a  treasure  bestowed  upon  him,  towards  the  ac- 
quisition of  which  he  had  not  contributed.  The  king  received 
155,300  pesos,  and  5,100  marks  of  silver,  besides  a  great  quantity 
of  gold  vessels  and  other  ornaments,  and  besides  l!J9,000  pesos, 

*  Gomara. — Zirate. 

t  Tins  name  was  given,  because  begun  on  the  Festival  of  Kings,  or  Twelfth- 
day. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  77 


and  54,000  marks  of  silver,  which  were  collected  together  from  the 
donations  of  several  persons.  These  gifts,  together  with  the  florid 
accounts  which  Ferdinand  Pizarro  brought  of  what  had  been 
discovered  and  conquered  by  the  Spaniards,  excited  the  expecta- 
tions of  Charles  to  the  highest  degree;  and  he  had  no  difficulty  in 
granting  honours  and  conferring  jurisdictions  on  men,  who  were 
adding  such  extensive  and  rich  territories  to  his  crown.  Fran- 
cisco Pizarro  was  accordingly  confirmed  in  his  former  privileges, 
and  an  extension  of  seventy  leagues  along  the  coast  towards  the 
north  was  added  to  his  former  jurisdiction.  All  this  territory  was 
to  be  called  New  Castile.  Diego  de  Almagro  received  the  grant 
of  a  territory  two  hundred  leagues  in  extent,  with  the  name  of 
New  Toledo;  neither  were  the  merits  of  Ferdinand  Pizarro  for- 
gotten, in  the  distribution  of  the  royal  favours.  He  was  made  a 
Knight  of  Santiago,  the  most  distinguished  military  order  in  Spain, 
an  honour  which  was  held  in  great  ambition  by  the  Spaniards  at 
that  time,  whilst  the  title  of  Marquis  was  conferred  on  his  brother 
Don  Francisco.  Ferdinand  Pizarro,  with  these  welcome  tidings, 
and  accompanied  by  many  persons,  superior  in  talents  and  rank 
to  the  adventurers  who  had  hitherto  flocked  to  Peru,  then  hastened 
his  departure  from  Spain.* 

But  previous  to  his  joining  his  companions,  intelligence  was 
received  by  Diego  de  Almagro  of  the  negotiations  which  had  been 
carried  on,  and  the  royal  grant  which  conferred  on  him  the  title 
of  Adelantado.  with  a  jurisdiction  over  two  hundred  leagues  of 
territory.  Finding  himself  at  the  head  of  an  independent  govern- 
ment, Almagro  now  thought  it  was  high  time  to  throw  off  that 
kind  of  tacit  but  real  subordination,  in  which  he  stood  with  regard 
to  Pizarro.  His  first  acts  gave  strong  evidence  of  his  real  inten- 
tions. Pretending  that  Cuzco  lay  within  his  jurisdiction,  he  began 
to  exercise  such  absolute  authority,  as  to  awaken  the  alarm  and 
displeasure  of  the  partisans  of  Pizarro.  Juan  and  Cioiizalo,  the 
brothers  of  the  governor,  together  with  several  persons  of  note, 
began  to  remonstrate  with  Almagro  on  the  injustice  of  his  pro- 
ceedings ;  hut  that  chief,  who  was  powerfully  instigated  and 
seconded  by  his  adherents,  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  these  representa- 
tions ;  and  thus  the  first  sparks  were  kindled  of  those  flames  of 
civil  discord  that  were  soon  to  spread  with  such  devastating  effect 
over  their  newly-discovered  country.  Several  disputes  and  con- 
tentions now  took  place  between  the  adherents  of  both  parties; 
quarrels  ensued,  wounds  were  inflicted,  and  even  lives  were  lost 


*  Zarate. — (1.  de  la  Vega. 


7S  HISTORY  OF  THE 

in  these  incipient  broils.  Such  was  the  alarming  state  of  affairs 
at  Cuzco,  when  Pizarro,  being  timely  apprised  of  everything, 
hastened  to  avert  an  evil  pregnant  with  so  many  disastrous  results. 
With  astonishing  expedition,  therefore,  he  returned  to  that  city, 
where  his  presence  suddenly  checked  the  parties  on  the  point  of 
coming  to  hostilities,  and  succeeded  in  restoring  order  for  the 
present. 

The  reconciliation  between  Pizarro  and  Almagro  had  never 
been  sincere.  The  conduct  of  the  former  at  the  time  of  his  visit 
to  the  Spanish  court,  could  not  be  easily  forgotten  by  the  latter. 
Pizarro  had,  indeed,  evinced  a  degree  of  treachery  and  ingratitude 
towards  his  companion,  which  placed  them  in  an  awkward  situa- 
tion with  regard  to  each  other.  Reasons  of  policy  and  common 
interest  alone  had  at  that  time  brought  about  a  reconciliation;  but 
sentiments  of  uncommon  wrong  on  one  side,  and  indignation  and 
revenge  on  the  other,  were  concealed  under  this  show  of  cordiality, 
and  only  wanted  a  fit  opportunity  to  burst  forth.  Each  of  the  two 
commanders  was  supported  by  stanch  adherents,  who  neglected 
no  occasion  of  adding  fuel  to  that  disastrous  fire  which  soon  raged 
with  such  violence  in  the  country.  Thus  the  elements  of  civil 
discord  were  forming;  and  the  explosion,  though  it  might  be  pro- 
tracted for  a  time,  could  scarcely  be  avoided.  This  calamity  was 
probably  delayed,  by  the  mutual  dread  with  which  the  power  and 
valour  of  each  chief  were  viewed  by  the  other.  A  rupture,  there- 
fore, was  equally  feared  and  equally  shunned,  until  one  party 
considered  itself  in  a  situation  sufficiently  strong.  Pizarro,  upon 
his  arrival  at  Cuzco,  well  aware  of  this,  conducted  himself  with  a 
degree  of  policy  that  fully  answered  his  expectations.  By  a  judi- 
cious mixture  of  firmness  and  expostulation — by  strongly  repre- 
senting to  his  associates  the  dreadful  consequences  which,  through 
their  private  quarrels,  would,  in  the  present  posture  of  affairs, 
ensue  to  the  common  weal,  and  by  soothing  his  irritation  with  pro- 
mises and  professions — he  succeeded  in  bringing  the  mind  of 
Almagro  to  discard  those  dangerous  thoughts  by  which  it  had  been 
lately  agitated. 

Almagro  was  persuaded,  or  at  least  affected  to  be  persuadrd, 
by  the  remonstrances  of  his  associate,  and  a  new  reconciliation 
took  place.  They  then  entered  into  another  agreement,  to  for- 
ward and  support  their  mutual  pretensions.  The  principal  article 
of  this  treaty  shows  the  sagacity  of  Pizarro,  who,  anxious  at  once 
to  keep  his  rival  in  active  occupation  at  a  distance  from  Cuzco, 
proposed  that  Almagro  should  attempt  the  conquest  of  Chili,  where 
he  would  meet  with  a  prize  equal  to  his  merit;  but  in  the  event 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  79 

of  the  conquest  of  those  territories  not  answering  his  expectations, 
Pizarro  declared  himself  ready  to  indemnify  him  with  a  part  of 
Peru.  This  proposal  was  eagerly  accepted  by  Almagro.  His 
ambition  was  fired ;  his  love  of  military  adventure  strongly  excited; 
and  as  no  bounds  were  set  by  the  Spaniards  at  that  time  to  the 
extent  or  wealth  of  empires,  Almagro  easily  conceived  that  he 
would  conquer  provinces  far  superior  in  every  respect  to  those 
which  they  had  hitherto  subdued.  This  new  contract  was,  as  on 
a  former  occasion,  ratified  by  solemn  acts  of  religion,  and  by  the 
most  binding  protestations  on  both  sides  that  it  should  be  kept  in- 
violable.* 

Preparations  immediately  commenced  for  the  intended  expedi- 
tion; and  so  altered  were  the  fortunes  of  the  Spaniards  during  the 
short  period  which  had  elapsed  since  their  first  arrival  in  the 
country,  in  consequence  of  the  numerous  bands  of  adventurers 
who  had  flocked  to  these  regions,  attracted  by  the  fame  of  their 
wealth,  that  Almagro,  in  a  short  time  was  enabled  to  depart  with 
a  force  amounting  to  five  hundred  and  fifty  men.  Besides  these, 
other  detachments,  under  the  guidance  of  competent  leaders,  and 
well  accoutered  for  active  service,  were  sent  to  explore  and  subdue 
other  territories — offering  a  strange  contrast  to  the  poverty  of  the 
first  expedition  against  Peru.t 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Diego  de  Almagro  undertakes  the  Conquest  of  Chili — Revolutions  in  Peru. 

Almagro  set  out  on  his  expedition  in  the  beginning  of  the  year 
1535.  Previous  to  his  departure,  notwithstanding  the  apparent 
cordiality  which  existed  between  him  and  Pizarro,  he  took  special 
care  to  adopt  such  measures  as  might  protect  him  against  the 
treacherous  duplicity  of  his  colleague.  For  this  purpose,  he  left 
behind  him  at  Cuzco  his  devoted  friend  and  stanch  adherent 
Juan  de  Ilerrada,  an  officer  of  note,  and  one  of  those  who  had  more 
particularly  distinguished  themselves  on  every  occasion.  A  con- 
siderable number  of  the  partisans  of  Almagro  remained  also  with 
that  officer;  and  they  had  strict  injunctions  to  send  due  information 

*  Zarate. — Herrera.  t  G.  de  la  Vega. 


80  HISTORY  OF  THE 

of  every  passing  event.  Almagro  resolved  to  take  with  him  in 
this  expedition  a  brother  of  the  Inca,  called  Paullu,  as  well  as  the 
chief  priest,  a  great  number  of  persons  of  distinction,  and  a  nume- 
rous body  of  Indians,  amounting  to  about  fifteen  thousand  men.* 
With  this  strong  force,  and  elated  by  the  most  sanguine  hopes, 
Almagro  began  his  march  for  the  discovery  and  subjugation  of  the 
kingdom  of  Chili,  equally  celebrated  for  its  riches  and  for  the  war- 
like disposition  of  the  natives. 

Severe  and  incessant  as  the  hardships  of  the  Spaniards  had  been 
in  the  various  parts  of  America,  the  present  followers  of  Almagro 
were  doomed  to  undergo  a  new  series,  which  they  had  not  perhaps 
anticipated.  They  arrived  at  Charcoy  without  inconvenience ;  but 
when  they  came  to  consult  the  rout  which  they  were  to  take, 
Almagro  adopted  precisely  the  one  which  was  beset  with  most 
difficulties,  and  presented  the  greatest  hardships.  He  resolved 
to  force  his  march  across  the  mountains,  in  preference  to  the  level 
country,  which  he  was  advised  to  penetrate  by  Paullu  and  other 
Indians,  who  represented  to  him  the  dreadful  trials  to  which  he 
would  otherwise  be  exposed.  But  Almagro,  either  from  a  wish 
to  adopt  the  shortest  rout,  from  contempt  of  difficulties,  or,  which 
is  not  improbable,  from  a  suspicion  that  treachery  might  dictate 
the  counsel  given  by  Paullu,  persisted  in  his  original  intention, 
and  continued  his  march  across  the  mountains.  He  had  not,  how- 
ever, proceeded  very  far  when  he  repented  his  determination.  In  a 
few  days,  the  Spaniards  found  so  vast  a  quantity  of  snow  accumu- 
lated in  their  way,  that  they  were  obliged,  in  many  instances,  to 
pierce  through  the  chilling  obstruction  by  dint  of  great  exertions. 
The  effects  of  a  most  intense  cold  began  soon  to  be  perceived.  The 
days  were  extremely  short ;  and  as  they  were  exposed,  during  three 
dismal  nights,  to  the  severity  of  the  climate,  many  of  the  troops 
began  to  fall  away.  To  add  to  this  calamity,  their  provision  was 
by  this  time  exhausted  ;  and  as  no  means  of  subsistence  could  be 
found  in  those  desolate  and  lugubrious  regions,  under  the  combined 
horrors  of  cold,  famine  and  fatigue,  the  army  began  to  decrease  to  a 
melancholy  extent.  Several  Spaniards,  with  an  immense  number 
of  Indians,  who,  owing  to  their  insufficient  dress,  were  more  ex- 
posed to  the  severity  of  the  cold,  were  actually  frozen  to  death. 
Indeed  no  less  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards,  and  above  ten 
thousand  Indians,  perished  in  this  disastrous  march.t 

Almagro  at  length  passed  these  dreary  places,  and  arrived  in 
the  plains  of  Chili.     He  perceived  that  he  had  not  been  deceived 

*  G.  de  la  Vega.  t  G.  de  la  Vega. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  SI 

with  regard  to  the  riches  of  the  country  and  the  fertility  of  the 
soil.  In  those  districts  which  recognized  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Inca,  he  experienced  much  attention,  as  the  natives  saw  him 
accompanied  by  Paullu  and  so  many  Indians  of  distinction.  Ac- 
cordingly, he  was  soon  able  to  collect  a  great  quantity  of  gold, 
which  he  distributed  liberally  among  his  companions,  to  reward 
their  past  services,  and  encourage  them  to  persevere.  But  as  Al- 
magro  advanced  into  the  country,  the  aspect  of  affairs  changed. 
The  Chilese,  though  astonished  at  first  at  the  singular  appearance 
of  their  invaders,  soon  recovered  from  their  surprise  and  dread,  and 
rushed  to  the  encounter  with  a  fierceness  hitherto  unknown  to  the 
Spaniards  in  those  parts  of  America.  At  last,  despite  of  the 
courage  of  Almagro,  and  the  ardent  hopes  which  he  had  conceived 
from  the  subjugation  of  Chili,  he  was  obliged  to  relinquish  his 
enterprise  unachieved,  by  a  sudden  and  unexpected  revolution 
which  broke  out  in  Peru,  and  threatened  the  Spaniards  with  de- 
struction.* 

Juan  de  Herrada  having  presented  himself  to  Almacrro  with 
the  royal  diploma  granted  by  the  King  of  Spain — which  had  been 
transmitted  by  Ferdinand  Pizarro,  who  had  disembarked,  and  was 
at  Ciudad  de  los  Reyes — from  him  Almagro  learned  that  the  Peru- 
vians had  revolted,  and  that  the  affairs  of  the  country  were  involved 
in  the  greatest  confusion.  This  intelligence  awakened  serious 
thoughts  in  Almagro,  who  forthwith  assembled  his  officers,  in  order 
to  determine  what  course  he  ought  to  follow.  He  ardently  wished 
to  return  to  Cuzco,  which  he  still  contended  lay  within  the  juris- 
diction granted  to  him  by  the  king;  and  in  this  intention  he  was 
strongly  seconded  by  Herrada,  Orgofio,  and  several  others  of  his 
adherents.  Others,  however,  represented  the  impolicy  of  relin- 
quishing the  invasion  of  Chili  before  it  was  finally  conquered, 
and  of  thus  foregoing  the  brilliant  expectations  which  they  had 
entertained.  But  the  objections  of  these  were  overruled,  and  Al- 
magro determined  to  return  to  Cuzco;  in  which  resolution  he  was 
the  more  confirmed,  on  receiving  fresh  information  regarding  the 
turbulent  state  of  that  city. 

The  Inca  Manco  Capac  was  impatient  of  the  subordinate  part 
which  be  played  in  his  own  dominions.  He  easily  perceived  that 
he  was  a  mere  phantom  of  dignity,  without  a  particle  of  power, 
which  was  totally  engrossed  by  the  Spaniards.  So  humiliating  a 
situation  was  galling  to  his  pride,  and  he  only  bowed  down  in 
conformity  to  the  absolute  laws  of  necessity.      But  though  he  dis- 


*   Zarute — Gomara — G.  de  la  Ve 


S2  HISTORY  OF  THE 

sembied  his  angry  feelings  for  the  time,  he  only  waited  a  fit  oppor- 
tunity to  let  them  burst  forth  with  unrestrained  violence.  The 
jealous  fears  of  Pizarro,  and  the  sagacity  of  his  mind,  offered  many 
ohstacles  to  the  plans  of  the  Inca.  The  Spanish  commander 
having  learnt,  from  experience,  the  great  advantage  of  keeping  in 
his  possession  so  good  an  instrument  to  control  the  power  of  the 
natives,  as  the  person  of  their  sovereign,  had  inwardly  resolved 
to  hold  the  Inca  in  subjection,  though  he  affected  to  treat  him  with 
the  most  profound  respect  in  public.  Manco  Capac  was  accord- 
ingly compelled  to  reside  at  Cuzco,  under  pretence  that  it  was  the 
residence  of  the  Incas,  but,  in  reality,  that  he  might  be  continually 
under  the  eye  of  the  two  Pizarros,  Juan  and  Gonzalo,  to  whom 
their  brother  had  particularly  recommended  this  duty,  whenever 
he  absented  himself  from  Cuzco. 

The  Inca  had  already  urged  Francis  Pizarro,  in  the  strongest 
terms  of  remonstrance,  to  reinstate  him  in  the  full  prerogatives  of 
his  dignity;  and  complained  bitterly  of  the  mockery  which  the 
Spaniards  displayed  towards  him,  whilst  they  affected  to  recog- 
nize as  a  sovereign  one  whom  they  held  in  the  subjection  of  an 
inferior  person.  But  Pizarro  had  carefully  avoided  entering  into 
discussion  on  a  topic  which  was  disagreeable,  being  unable  to  re- 
concile his  actions  with  the  amity  which  he  affected  for  the  Inca. 
Indeed,  to  evade  the  importunities  of  the  Inca,  he  left  Cuzco,* 
and  returned  to  Ciudad  de  ios  Reyes,  the  building  and  embellish- 
ment of  which  then  occupied  much  of  his  thoughts.  The  explo- 
sion, however,  which  was  in  contemplation,  and  which  the  Span- 
iards were  far  from  anticipating,  was  drawing  to  a  crisis.  As  we 
have  related  above,  besides  the  expedition  undertaken  by  Almagro, 
other  bodies  had  set  out  from  Cuzco,  under  the  command  of  vari- 
ous leaders,  who  were  instructed  to  explore  and  conquer  those 
provinces  which  had  not  hitherto  been  visited  by  the  Spaniards. 
Many  strong  detachments  had  by  this  means  almost  simultaneously 
departed  for  distant  regions  of  the  country.  These  circumstances 
favoured  greatly  the  intentions  of  the  Inca,  who  saw  the  moment 
arrived  for  him  to  attempt  the  recovery  both  of  his  liberty  and 
his  kingdom.  By  the  injudicious  conduct  of  the  Spaniards,  in 
thus  disseminating  themselves  about  the  country  in  detached  bo- 
dies, and  leaving  a  handfull  of  men  at  Cuzco,  as  a  garrison  to  that 
city,  they  had  facilitated  the  means  of  their  own  destruction.  The 
Inca,  though  strictly  guarded,  found  means  to  give  hints  of  his 
intentions  to  some  persons  of  confidence,  who,  accustomed  to  re- 

*  G.  de  la  Vega. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  83 

vere  the  smallest  wish  of  their  master,  as  if  it  emanated  from 
heaven,  most  readily  entered  into  his  views,  and  promised  to  for- 
ward them.  The  Inca  at  last  attempted  to  escape,  in  order  to 
place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  rebellion;  but  being  foiled  in  his 
design,  he  now  thought  it  prudent  to  adopt  a  different  line  of  con- 
duct, not  to  alarm  the  suspicion  of  his  enemies,  and  thereby  en- 
danger the  prospect  of  success. 

About  this  time,  1530,  Ferdinand  Pizarro  arrived  at  Cuzco,  and 
was  much  pleased  to  find  the  kindness  and  submission  which  were 
uniformly  evinced  by  the  Inca.  With  this  apparent  cordiality 
Manco  Capac  behaved  for  some  time,  until  he  believed  that  the 
suspicions  of  the  Pizarros  were  completely  lulled  to  rest.  He  then 
requested  of  Ferdinand  permission  to  visit  Yucay,  where  the  royal 
gardens  were  situated.  The  Inca  gave,  as  a  pretext  for  this  visit, 
the  celebration  of  a  great  festival.  He  promised,  besides,  to  bring 
Ferdinand  a  statue  of  solid  gold  kept  in  that  place.*  The  prepara- 
tions for  revolt  had,  meanwhile,  been  conducted  with  such  profound 
secrecy,  that  Pizarro  did  not  harbour  the  remotest  suspicion  of 
the  real  intentions  of  the  Inca  in  making  his  request.  Not  the 
least  rumour  of  insurrection  had  been  heard — no  hostile  appear- 
ance seen — besides,  there  was  nothing  singular  in  the  demand  of 
Manco  Capac.  All  which,  together  with  the  promise  of  the 
statue  of  gold,  easily  induced  Ferdinand  Pizarro  to  grant  the  re- 
quest, and  he  suffered  the  Inca  to  leave  Cuzco  in  company  of  a  few 
of  his  Indian  attendants  only.  The  principal  men  in  the  empire 
were  already  prepared,  and  hastened  simultaneously  to  Yucay, 
where  they  awaited  with  impatience  the  arrival  of  the  Inca.  The 
affair  was  conducted  with  such  profound  arrangement,  and  such 
promptitude  and  decision,  that  the  first  notice  which  the  Spaniards 
received  of  the  explosion,  was  when  the  fire  raged  in  full  blaze 
along  the  country. 

Manco  Capac  having  harangued  his  chiefs  and  magnates,  and 
conjured  them  to  destroy  the  whole  race  of  their  invaders;  and 
having  also  given  instructions  to  his  generals  to  surprise  the  small 
detachments  of  Spaniards  that  wandered  about  the  country,  and 
to  cut  them  off  to  a  man — commanded  that  two  numerous  armies 
should  be  in  readiness  to  lay  siege  to  Cuzco  and  Ciudad  de  los 
Reyes.  His  orders  were  obeyed  with  religious  punctuality;  the 
standard  of  war  was  unfurled  ;  the  alarm  sounded  ;  and  the  whole 
country  rose  in  arms  with  a  resolution  equal  to  the  apathy  which 
the   Peruvians   had  displayed   on  other  occasions.     A   powerful 

*  Zarate. 


S4  HISTORY  OF  THE 


army  marched  towards  Lima,  whilst  a  formidable  multitude, 
amounting  to  two  hundred  thousand  men,  under  the  command  of 
the  Inca  himself,  laid  siege  to  Cuzco.  By  this  time,  several  of 
the  Spanish  detachments  that  wandered  about  the  country  had 
been  cut  off;  and  the  Indians,  elated  with  the  first  success  of  their 
bold  attempt,  now  pushed  their  advantage  with  unwonted  alacrity 
and  resolution.  The  three  brothers  Pizarro,  who  commanded  at 
Cuzco,  no  sooner  saw  the  danger  by  which  they  were  threatened, 
than,  aware  of  the  insufficient  means  which  they  possessed  for 
continuing  a  suitable  defence,  they  dispatched  a  messenger  to 
Francisco,  informing  him  of  the  peril  of  their  situation.  They 
then  vigorously  exerted  themselves  to  make  a  resistance  to  the 
enemy  worthy  of  the  name  of  the  Spanish  arms,  and  the  undaunted 
courage  by  which  the  Piicarros  were  distinguished.  Ferdinand 
formed  his  little  army  into  a  compact  body;  and,  placing  the  in- 
fantry in  the  centre,  he  hanked  the  four  sides  with  twenty  horse- 
men in  each.  In  this  manner  he  endeavoured  to  protect  him- 
self from  the  immense  masses  of  Peruvians,  who  continually 
rushed  to  the  charge  with  equal  animosity  and  perseverance. 
The  Inca  himself,  from  a  little  eminence,  beheld  the  exertions  of 
his  subjects,  and  encouraged  them  by  his  presence  and  applause. 
Meantime,  the  siege  of  Lima  had  been  undertaken  with  the 
same  spirit  and  ferocity,  and  all  communication  between  that  city 
and  Cuzco  was  broken  off.  The  Peruvians,  who  roved  in  nume- 
rous parties  about  the  country  with  great  vigilance,  intercepted 
every  messenger  sent  by  the  enemy  ;  so  that  the  Spaniards  of  each 
city,  astonished  and  appalled,  began  to  fear  that  they  were  the 
only  remaining  Europeans  alive  in  Peru.*  But  it  -was  at  Cuzco 
that  the  greatest  alarm  reigned.  The  force  of  the  Pizarros  in  that 
city  did  not  amount  to  two  hundred  men,  so  that  they  had  to  fight 
in  the  proportion  of  one  man  against  a  thousand.  These  fearful 
odds  were  not  counterbalanced,  either  by  the  advantages  of  situa- 
tion, or  by  any  striking  superiority  in  weapons.  The  fire-arms 
and  the  horses,  which,  at  the  first  sight,  were  wont  to  produce 
such  effect  on  the  bewildered  imagination  of  the  Americans  of 
every  region,  had  ceased  to  impress  them  with  those  sentiments 
of  awe  and  terror.  Indeed,  so  far  were  they  from  entertaining 
the  strange  notions  which  they  had  at  first  conceived,  that  they 
industriously  availed  themselves  of  those  very  weapons,  once  the 
object  of  such  dread  and  veneration.  Many  of  the  Peruvians 
armed  themselves  with  the  swords  and  spears  which  they  had 

*  Zarate. — Leon. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  85 

taken  from  the  Spaniards  ;  and  a  few  still  bolder — among-  whom 
was  the  Inca  himself — mounted  some  horses  which  they  had  cap- 
tured, and  rushed  to  the  onset  with  the  same  confidence  as  if  they 
had  been  all  their  lives  trained  to  that  method  of  warfare. 

The  Peruvians  evinced,  during-  the  nine  months  which  the 
siege  of  Cuzco  lasted,  abilities  of  a  superior  order  even  to  those  of 
the  Mexicans.  Their  ingenuity  was  strikingly  displayed  in  the 
several  stratagems  which  they  employed  to  harass  their  enemy, 
already  weakened  by  the  force  of  numbers.  Among  other  devices, 
they  endeavoured  to  incapacitate  the  horsemen  from  service,  by 
means  of  a  thong  having  a  stone  at  each  end,  which  they  threw 
with  peculiar  skill,  so  as  to  entangle  the  horse's  legs,  and  impede 
the  evolutions  of  the  rider.*  Such  various  and  repeated  efforts  on 
the  part  of  the  enemy  had  a  disastrous  effect  on  the  resolution  of 
the  Spaniards.  At  no  period  of  their  conquests  had  they  been 
subjected  to  such  imminent  danger,  or  obliged  to  undergo  such 
extraordinary  fatigue.  No  respite  was  allowed  them  for  repose  ; 
and  while  the  enemy  could  bring  fresh  forces  every  day  to  the 
attack,  the  dispirited  and  exhausted  band  were  compelled  to  suffer 
a  constant  repetition  of  harassing  fatigue,  to  which  they  saw  no 
end  but  in  death.  To  meet  a  glorious  one,  seemed  now  the  bound- 
ary of  their  hopes.  They  had  already  lost  several  of  their  bravest 
men,  with  some  officers  of  note,  besides  Juan  Pizarro, — a  loss  most 
severely  felt  by  all,  for  in  him  the  Spaniards  were  deprived  not 
only  of  a  gallant  chief,  but  of  a  friend,  beloved  In*  every  one  for 
his  kindliness  of  manner,  little  known  to  the  rest  of  the  Pizarros. 
The  death  of  their  brother — the  want  of  tidings  from  Lima — the 
many  soldiers  already  slain,  and  the  exhausted  and  frightful  state 
of  the  survivors,  contributed  to  make  the  Pizarros  despair  of  avert- 
ing the  fate  that  threatened  them.  But,  in  this  desolate  state,  they 
felt  more  rage  than  despondence;  and,  with  that  extraordinary 
magnanimity  which,  had  it  not  been  tinctured  with  cruelty,  would 
have  graced  even  the  heroic  times  of  the  Romans,  the  Spaniards 
now  prepared  to  collect  their  whole  strength,  and  to  perish  in  one 
bold  desperate  effort  against  their  enemies,  rather  than  seek  any 
terms  of  capitulation.  Such  was  the  terrible  position  if  the  Span- 
iards at  Cuzco,  when  they  were  suddenly  relieved  by  a  totally 
unexpected  event.  This  was  the  arrival  of  Almagro  in  the  vicinity 
of  that  city. 

The  Peruvians  were  suddenly  checked  in  their  operations  by 
the,   appearance  of  a   third    party  in  the  contest;   and   this  timely 

*  Ilcrara. 


S6  HISTORY  OF  THE 


irresolution  saved  the  Spaniards  from  inevitable  ruin.  The  delay 
of  a  few  days  on  the  part  of  Almagro  would  have  completed  the 
triumph  of  the  Inca,  but  that  moment  was  passed  ;  and  though  the 
Peruvians  were  yet  in  a  threatening'  attitude,  and  with  means  of 
destroying  the  invaders,  the  necessity  of  turning  their  thoughts 
towards  Almagro  divided  their  attention,  and  deprived  them  of  that 
unity  of  design,  and  promptness  of  execution,  so  requisite  to  insure 
success.  The  arrival  of  Almagro,  though  tending  at  first  to  raise 
the  sinking  hopes  of  the  Pizarros,  was  not  exempt  from  every 
alloy  of  dread.  The  brothers  soon  perceived  that  their  ally  con- 
ducted himself  in  such  a  manner  as  to  leave  it  a  matter  of  dubious 
speculation  whether  he  was  to  be  considered  a  friend  or  an  enemy. 
They  knew  that  Almagro  had  ample  reason  to  be  dissatisfied  with 
the  governor,  and  that,  instigated  at  once  by  private  pirpte  and 
ambition,  he  might  seize  the  present  opportunity  of  making  him- 
self master  of  Cuzco.  The  same  idea  occurred  to  the  Inca.  Well 
acquainted  with  the  differences  and  jealousies  of  the  Spanish  chiefs 
among  themselves,  and  being  now  partly  recovered  from  the  first 
sensations  of  surprise  which  the  arrival  of  Almaoro  had  produced, 
he  was  led  to  hope  that  the  event  would  prove  not  only  inoffensive, 
but  even  advantageous  to  the  Peruvian  cause.  The  surmises  of 
the  Pizarros  and  the  Inca  were  just.  Almagro  had  in  reality 
formed  the  project  of  rendering  himself  master  of  Cuzco,  which 
he  considered  within  his  jurisdiction.  Under  this  impression,  he 
had  made  a  precipitate  retreat  from  Chili ;  but,  loth  to  undergo 
the  horrid  sufferings  to  which  his  troops  had  been  exposed  on  his 
former  rout,  he  had  now  come  by  a  new  one  along  the  sand  of 
the  coast,  which,  though  it  relieved  him  from  the  calamities  of  cold 
and  famine,  subjected  him  to  others  equally  severe — to  those  of 
excessive  heat  and  drought. 

Upon  his  arrival  at  Cuzco  (1537),  he  seemed  irresolute  with 
regard  to  the  line  of  conduct  he  was  to  adopt.  From  the  formi- 
dable array  presented  by  the  Inca,  he  perceived  that  he  should 
have  to  contend  with  a  most  powerful  enemy,  while  the  desperate 
situation  of  the  Pizarros  afforded  an  easy  victory,  the  more  so  if 
he  claimed  the  alliance  of  the  Peruvians.  But  such  a  course  was 
revolting:  and  Almagro,  though  instigated  at  once  by  a  feeling  of 
wrong  sustained,  and  by  eagerness  to  possess  himself  of  what  he 
considered  his  due,  shrunk  nevertheless  from  turning  his  arms 
against  his  dispirited  and  exhausted  countrymen,  while  the1  com- 
mon enemy  remained  there  to  be  the  spectators,  and  gainers  per- 
haps by  the  unnatural  contest. 

The  Inca  resolved  to  employ  stratagem  to  ward  oft'  the  danger 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  87 

with  which  the  appearance  of  Almagro  seemed  to  threaten  the 
Peruvians.  To  prevent  a  junction  between  that  chief  and  the 
Pizarros,  was  his  paramount  object ;  and  he  accordingly  com- 
menced negotiations  with  him.  A  meeting  was  decided  upon  to 
arrange  the  articles  of  a  treaty.  In  this  transaction,  both  parties 
strived  to  deceive  each  other.  Almagro  thought  that  he  might 
persuade  the  Inca  to  depart  from  Cuzco,  and  thus  leave  the  field 
free  for  his  operations;  whilst  the  Inca,  with  an  equal  share  of 
deception,  entertained  designs  of  an  atrocious  treachery — no  less 
than  the  assassination  of  Almagro  at  the  intended  interview.* 
But  the  success  which  he  expected  from  his  treachery  was  com- 
pletely foiled.  Almagro  was  too  prudent,  and  too  much  alive  to 
the  perils  of  his  situation,  to  fall  into  the  snare  of  the  Peruvian 
prince;  and  he  accordingly  repaired  to  the  meeting, attended  with 
a  numerous  body  of  his  best  soldiers. 

The  Inca,  by  this  means  disappointed  of  carrying  his  design 
into  execution,  now  conceived  he  should  be  obliged  to  settle  the 
contention  by  arms,  an  alternative  which  awoke  the  greatest  dread 
and  anxiety.  He  could  not  disguise  from  himself,  that,  despite 
of  his  immense  forces,  he  had  not  been  able  to  accomplish  the 
destruction  of  the  Spaniards  in  Cuzco,  though  these  amounted  to 
little  more  than  a  hundred  and  seventy  men.  As  Almagro 
possessed  a  force  of  four  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers,  well  disci- 
plined and  eager  for  battle,  he  naturally  concluded,  that  the 
chances  of  success  would  be  still  smaller,  if  he  entered  the  field 
against  an  army  so  superior  to  that  of  his  former  enemy.  This  idea 
induced  the  Inca  to  exert  all  his  ingenuity  in  negotiation;  but, 
when  he  found  that  his  efforts  failed,  he  prudently  resolved  to 
take  the  Spaniards  by  surprise,  rather  than  risk  the  event  of  a 
battle. 

While  the  Inca  and  Almagro  spent  their  time  in  fruitless  nego- 
tiations, the  Pizarros,  aware  of  the  difficulties  by  which  they 
were  surrounded,  and  forming  the  most  discouraging  anticipations, 
with  regard  to  the  future  conduct  of  Almagro,  determined,  on 
their  side,  to  employ  similar  artifices  to  that  adopted  by  the  two 
other  contending  parties.  Ferdinand  Pizarro,  accordingly,  sent 
messengers  to  Juan  de  Saavedra,  the  officer  commanding  in  the 
absence  of  Almagro,  who  was  now  carrying  on  his  interviews 
with  the  Inca.  The  most  tempting  offers  were  made  by  the 
Pizarros  to  Saavedra;  but  nothing  could  corrupt  the  integrity  of 
that   honourable   Spaniard,  who    rejected   every  proposition    with 

*  G.  de  la  Vejja. 


SS  HISTORY  OF  THE 

scorn.  Thus  the  three  parties  remained  for  some  time  undecided 
what  course  to  pursue,  keeping  their  eyes  watchfully  fixed  upon 
each  other,  and  doubtful  who  would  be  the  first  to  break  through 
the  dilemma,  and  bring  the  affair  to  a  crisis. 

The  moment  arrived  sooner  perhaps  than  they  anticipated. 
The  Inca  having,  in  an  attempt  against  Almagro,  been  repulsed 
with  great  slaughter,  took  on  the  sudden  the  resolution  of  suspend- 
ing hostilities,  and  dispersing  his  army.  Either  from  feelings  of 
superstition,  or  from  absolute  despair,  the  Peruvian  chief  adopted 
this  course  totally  unexpected;  but  the  losses  which  he  had  suf- 
fered in  little  more  than  a  year  which  had  elapsed  since  the 
breaking  out  of  the  insurrection,  and  the  indomitable  resistance 
which  he  met  with  from  the  Spaniards,  made  him  loth  to  prolong 
a  warfare  which,  together  with  his  small  chance  of  success,  now 
that  the  Spaniards  had  time  to  rally,  was  besides  attended  with  a 
horrid  carnage  among  his  people.  He  retired  accordingly,  from 
the  contest,  and  left  the  field  to  be  disputed  by.  the  two  other  con- 
tending parties. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Civil  War  among  the  Spaniards. — Battle  of  Salinas. — Death  of  Almagro,  &c. 

Almagro,  being  thus  freed  from  one  enemy,  now  directed  his 
course  towards  Cuzco,  with  the  resolution  of  taking  the  city  either 
by  negotiation  or  by  force.  He  therefore  advanced  rapidly  to  the 
gates;  but,  willing  to  try  every  amicable  means  before  he  resorted 
to  the  last  extremity,  and  anxious  to  spare  the  blood  of  the  Span- 
iards, so  necessary  against  the  common  enemy,  he  sent  messen- 
gers to  the  Pizarros  to  summon  them  to  surrender.  He  alleged 
the  justice  of  his  pretensions,  and  invited  his  antagonist  to  evacu- 
ate the  city,  laying  to  their  account  all  the  calamities  which  might 
result  from  their  non-compliance  with  the  demand.  To  this 
haughty  requisition  Ferdinand  Pizarro  answered,  with  a  degree  of 
spirit  happily  blended  with  a  show  of  reasoning.  He  declared,  that 
neither  he  nor  his  brother  Gonzalo  had  any  claim  or  power  over 
Cuzco,  and  therefore  could  not,  in  honour,  yield  that  which  was 
not  in  their  right.  That  he  commanded  in  that  city  for  the 
Governor  Don  Francisco,  and  that,  until  he  had  received  instruc- 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  S9 

tions  from  him,  he  would  not  relinquish  his  post.  He  further 
urged  the  injustice  and  impolicy  of  Almagro,  in  bringing  forward 
his  pretensions  at  such  a  juncture,  when  he  saw  his  countrymen 
overpowered  by  the  hardships  they  had  suffered  from  the  common 
enemy.  Besides,  it  was  not  by  force  of  arms,  and  by  taking 
advantage  of  the  destitute  position  of  his  former  companion,  that 
he  should  establish  the  justice  of  his  claims  ;  on  the  contrary,  a 
proper  and  mature  discussion  of  the  affair  should  be  entered  upon, 
with  the  knowledge  and  sanction  of  the  Governor. 

These  ostensible  arguments,  and  the  mediation  of  some  of  the 
principal  men  in  both  armies,  who  saw  with  horror  the  moment 
of  civil  contention  arrive,  fortunately  delayed  that  calamity,  and 
a  truce  was  negotiated.  It  was  agreed,  on  the  part  of  Ferdinand, 
that  a  messenger  should  be  sent  to  the  Governor,  acquainting  him 
with  the  foregoing  events,  the  claims  of  Almagro,  and  the  little 
prospect  which  the  garrison  at  Cuzco  had  of  contending  success- 
fully with  their  opponents  ;  and  the  besieging  party,  on  their  side, 
pledged  themselves  to  remain  in  a  peaceful  attitude  until  an 
answer  was  obtained  from  Don  Francisco  Pizarro.  This  appear- 
ance of  peace  was,  however,  of  short  duration.  The  adherents 
of  Almagro  be^an  to  tax  him  with  an  excess  both  of  weakness 
and  credulity.  They  represented  the  duplicity,  for  which  the 
Pizarros  were  conspicuous — a  duplicity  which  would  certainly  be 
called  into  play  on  the  present  occasion.  They  merely  wished  to 
gain  time,  that  they  might  recruit  men  and  provide  suitable  means 
of  defence  ; — the  messenger,  sent  by  Ferdinand  to  his  brother, 
would  be  charged  rather  with  instructions  to  require  succour, 
than  to  urge  the  claims  of  Almagro; — and,  lastly,  even  supposing 
the  two  Pizarros  at  Cuzco  were  sincere  in  their  dealings,  yet  the 
governor  would  never  consent  to  the  proposed  measures,  but  pre- 
pare himself,  with  all  expedition,  to  dispute  the  rights  of  Almagro 
by  the  sword.  It  was,  therefore,  the  height  of  imprudence  to 
neglect  the  present  opportunity  of  rendering  themselves  masters 
of  Cuzco,  and  to  endanger  the  prospect  of  success  by  undue  pro- 
crastination. 

These  arguments  had  great  weight  in  the  mind  of  Almagro; 
and  besides,  as  several  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Pizarros  had  deserted 
to  his  standard,  Ik;  conceived  that  disaffection  reigned  in  (he  troops 
at  Cuzco,  a  circumstance  favourable  to  his  designs.  These  rea- 
sons at  length  induced  him  to  follow  the  advice  of  his  friends, 
although  in  doing  so  lie  should  be  compelled  to  break  the  truce: 
an  act  which  he  could  not  but  regard  with  a  degree  of  conscious 
shame.      But  the   scruples  of  chivalrous   honour  were  overruled 


90  HISTORY  OF  THE 

by  the  more  powerful  dictates  of  policy  and  ambition;  and  Alma- 
gro determined  to  surprise  the  city,  and  seize  on  the  Pizarros. 

This  plan  was  executed  without  difficulty,  and  succeeded  to 
the  fullest  extent.  The  garrison  at  Cuzco,  never  suspecting  that 
the  truce  would  be  violated  by  the  adverse  party,  slept  in  security; 
and  so  far  were  they  from  providing  any  defence,  that  when  a 
soldier,  more  alert  than  the  rest,  came  running  to  Ferdinand  Pi- 
zarro  with  the  tidings  that  the  Almagrians  were  entering  the  city, 
the  chief  answered  in  an  indignant  tone  that  it  must  be  a  delusion, 
for  no  honourable  soldier  would  sacrifice  his  honour.  The  sur- 
prisal  was  so  prompt  that  even  no  resistance  was  offered  by  the 
soldiers,  and  Almagro  proceeded  without  opposition  to  the  resi- 
dence of  the  Pizarros.  He  summoned  them  to  surrender;  but 
the  brothers,  boiling  with  rage  and  indignation,  refused  to  comply, 
and,  barricading  the  doors,  prepared  themselves  for  an  obstinate 
and  fierce  defence.  After  some  ineffectual  attempts  to  burst  into 
the  house,  Almagro  at  length  gave  orders  to  set  it  on  fire:  and  as 
the  conflagration  spread  rapidly,  the  Pizarros,  to  escape  a  horrible 
death,  surrendered  at  discretion.*  The  brothers  and  the  princi- 
pal men  of  their  party,  were  immediately  put  in  irons,  and  thrown 
into  close  confinement;  and  the  power  of  Almagro  over  Cuzco 
was  recognized  without  further  opposition. 

Francisco  Pizarro,  at  the  first  signal  of  the  danger  which  threat- 
ened the  Spaniards  by  the  insurrection  of  the  Peruvians,  sent  for 
assistance  to  Hispaniola,  Nicaragua,  and  Mexico.  Meantime,  he 
had  gallantly  defended  Lima  from  the  attacks  of  the  Indians,  until 
by  decided  advantages  which  he  gained  over  them,  and  by  the 
arrival  of  reinforcements  from  the  above-mentioned  colonies,  he 
was  enabled  to  dispatch  a  body  of  500  men,  for  the  relief  of  his 
brothers  at  Cuzco.  This  troop  he  intrusted  to  the  command  of 
Alonzo  Alvarado  and  Garcilaso  de  la  Vega,  two  of  his  principal 
officers.  Little  aware  that  they  should  be  obliged  to  contend  with 
a  more  formidable  enemy  than  the  Indians,  Alvarado  and  his 
companions  advanced  to  the  river  Abancay,  when,  to  their  great 
surprise  and  confusion,  they  saw  a  numerous  body  of  Spaniards 
placed  in  battle  array  to  oppose  them.  Almagro,  however,  for 
some  time  was  irresolute  whether  to  attack  the  enemy,  or  to  await 
patiently  the  onset.  Afraid  to  engage  so  powerful  a  body,  whilst 
he  himself  possessed  in  his  army  many  of  the  late  adherents  of 
the  Pizarros.  who  might  change  sides  as  soon  as  opportunity 
offered,  he  remained  in  a  state  of  uncertainty,  though  greatly  in- 

*  G.  de  la  Yega. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  91 

clined  to  try  every  other  resource  before  he  appealed  to  arms. 
From  this  anxiety  he  was  relieved  in  a  short  time,  and  in  a  man- 
ner totally  unexpected. 

There  was  in  the  adverse  party  an  officer,  by  name  Pedro  de. 
Lerma,  who,  considering  himself  wronged  by  the  Pizarros,  and 
no  less  anxious  to  satisfy  a  private  pique,  than  provoked  by  the 
overbearing  deportment  of  the  Governor,  had  formed  the  resolu- 
tion of  joining  the  rival  band.  He  accordingly  wrote  a  letter  to 
Almagro,  acquainting  him  with  his  intentions,  and  assuring  him. 
that,  as  soon  as  he  approached  the  camp,  he  would  pass  over 
with  a  hundred  men.  To  this  promise  he  added  some  instruc- 
tions as  to  the  manner  Almagro  was  to  act,  and  a  faithful  account 
of  the  disaffection  which  reigned  among  the  soldiers  of  Pizarro. 
This  intelligence  was  not  disregarded  by  Almagro,  who  hastened 
to  avail  himself  of  the  offers  of  Lerma.  A  plan  was  concerted  ; 
and  Alvarado  being  surprised  by  night,  and  deserted  by  many  of 
his  followers,  the  whole  camp  was  thrown  into  confusion,  and 
yielded  an  easy  victory  to  the  enemy.  Alvarado  and  Garcilaso 
de  la  Vega,  together  with  the  more  decided  partisans  of  the  Pi- 
zarros, were  taken  prisoners;  and  Almagro  returned  to Cuzco  with 
his  triumphant  party,  amidst  shouts  of  joy  and  exultation.* 

By  this  bloodless  victory,  the  contest  seemed  at  an  end.  Al- 
magro, indeed,  expressed  himself  in  the  most  contemptuous  terms, 
when  speaking  of  his  rival,  whom  he  considered  as  incapable  at 
present  of  affording  the  least  cause  for  alarm.  But  Orgono,  an 
officer  of  distinguished  merits,  and  devotedly  attached  to  his  in- 
terests, represented  to  him,  that  other  measures  were  to  be  taken 
before  he  could  consider  himself  secure  from  the  power  and  the 
machinations  of  the  Pizarros.  The  standard  of  war  had  been 
unfurled;  no  sincere  reconciliation  could  hencefonvard  be  ex- 
pected ;  and  the  security  of  one  party  could  only  he  firmly  estab- 
lished by  the  total  ruin  of  the  other.  Fortune  had  now  declared 
in  favour  of  Almagro ;  and  he  would  be  unworthy  of  her  benefits, 
if  he  refused  to  secure  them  by  those  decisive  measures  which 
the  occasion  required.  The  death  of  the  two  Pizarros.  Alvarado, 
and  a  i\'\v  other  officers,  were  sacrifices  imperiously  demanded,  in 
order  to  insure  future  tranquillity.  Such  advice  was,  indeed,  the 
most  prudent  that  could  be  given  under  existing  circumstances; 
ami  had  Almagro  adopted  it,  his  future  lot  would  probably  have 
been  widely  different.  But,  partly  elated  by  his  successes  and 
the  consciousness   of  power,   and   partly  from   a  feeling  of   gee.e- 


*   Zarute. — Goinara. — (i.  de  la  Vega. 


92  HISTORY  OF  THE 


rous  pity,  which  recoiled  at  the  idea  of  shedding  the  blood  of 
his  former   companions,  he    neglected  the  counsel.     He  alleged, 

that  it  was  repugnant  alike  to  humanity  and  justice,  to  sacrifice 
brave  men  for  having  done  what  they  thought  their  duty.  In 
this  sentiment  he  found  many  supporters  among  his  own  compan- 
ions ;  and  their  advice  prevailed  over  that  of  Orgono.  Nor  did 
Almagro  show  more  decision  with  regard  to  the  line  of  conduct 
proposed  to  him.  which  was  to  march  towards  Lima  while  his 
troops  were  yet  flushed  with  the  recent  success,  and  before  Pi- 
zarro  had  time  to  rally  from  his  disasters,  and  prepare  a  suitable 
defence.  This  plan,  Almagro  considered,  would  place  him  in  the 
light  of  a  rebel  and  a  traitor  against  the  kin::,  in  thus  attacking 
the  governor,  constituted  by  royal  authority.  He  refused,  accord- 
ingly, to  follow  such  a  course,  wishing  rather  to  wait  and  arrane;e 
affairs  by  negotiation ;  or,  should  things  be  brought  to  the  last 
extremity,  that  Pizarro,  and  not  himself,  should  appear  the  ag- 
gressor. 

Meantime,  Francisco  Pizarro  was  unacquainted  with  the  series 
of  disasters  which  had  lately  taken  place  at  Cuzco.  Indeed,  the 
intelligence  of  the  death  of  one  brother,  the  imprisonment  of  the 
other  two,  the  defeat  of  his  adherents,  and  the  triumph  of  Almagro, 
came  upon  him  all  at  once,  as  if  fortune  intended  to  break  down 
his  haughty  and  daring  spirit.  The  Governor  felt  deeply  such  a 
series  of  calamities;  and,  whilst  he  deplored  the  loss  of  his  be- 
loved brother,  and  became  apprehensive  for  the  fate  of  the  other 
two,  sentiments  of  pride,  revenge  and  disappointment,  heightened 
the  turmoil  of  his  mind,  and  for  some  time  he  appeared  over- 
whelmed by  the  burden  of  his  misfortunes.  But  that  mind,  proud, 
arrogant,  and  undaunted  by  calamity,  sorn  recovered  from  the 
violent  shock;  and  Pizarro,  instead  of  losing  his  precious  time  in 
brooding  over  his  disasters,  summoned  his  whole  energies  to  check 
the  progress  of  the  evil.  The  difficulties  of  his  situation,  how- 
ever, were  numerous.  Though  his  jurisdiction  was  recotmized 
over  a  vast  extent  of  territory,  he  could  not  command  a  body  of 
men  sufficient  to  make  a  successful  opposition  to  Almaoro  in  the 
field.  It  was  indispensable  to  protract  a  decision  by  arms,  in 
order  to  collect  a  competent  force;  and  Pizarro  was  as  interested 
in  delaying  a  contest,  as  Ahnairro  ouo;ht  to  have  been  eager  to 
brim:  it  to  an  issue  with  the  utmost  expedition. 

Almaoro  left  Cuzco,  and  marched  with  his  armv  until  he  ar- 
rived within  the  jurisdiction  of  Ciudad  de  los  Reyes,  where  he 
resolved  to  make  a  halt  in  expectation  of  Pizarro's  determination. 
Aware  that  Ferdinand  had  always  been  a  decided  enemy  to  him, 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  93 


and  afraid,  in  consequence,  to  leave  him  at  Cuzco,  he  had  brought 
him  along  with  his  troops,  in  order  that  he  might,  on  all  occasions, 
possess  a  valuable  hostage.  The  command  of  the  city  he  in- 
trusted to  Gabriel  Rojas  ;  but  neither  the  devotion  nor  the  vigi- 
lance of  that  officer  was  sufficient  to  counteract  the  efforts  which 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  and  Alvarado  were  incessantly  making  to  regain 
their  liberty.  Their  endeavours  proved  successful  in  the  end. 
They  had  bribed  many  of  the  guards  with  magnificent  promises  ; 
and  those  soldiers,  whenever  food  or  any  other  article  was  taken 
to  the  prisoners,  all  of  whom  were  confined  in  one  place,  con- 
veyed arms  to  them,  and  at  length  broke  the  chains  of  some,  who 
forthwith  liberated  the  rest.  Thus,  when  Gabriel  Rojas  went 
one  night  to  visit  the  prison,  he  was  no  less  astonished  than  en- 
raged to  perceive  the  prisoners  at  large,  and  lie  was  immediately 
surrounded  and  secured  by  them.  Being  threatened  with  the  loss 
of  life  if  he  offered  any  resistance,  or  sounded  the  alarm,  Rojas 
was  compelled  to  submit  to  his  fate  ;  and  Gonzalo  Pizarro  and 
Alvarado,  without  further  opposition,  took  their  departure  from 
the  city  at  the  head  of  about  one  hundred  men,  and  hastened  to 
join  the  (iovcrnor. i;" 

The  escape  and  unexpected  appearance  of  his  brother  filled 
Pizarro  with  joy.  But  the  captivity  of  the  other  prevented  him 
from  provoking  AJmagro  too  far:  besides,  he  conceived  that  a  pro- 
tracted contest  would  ultimately  turn  to  his  advantage  ;  and  he 
determined  to  persevere  in  that  line  of  policy,  which  had  suc- 
ceeded so  well  in  the  rest  of  his  transactions.  The  fortunes  of 
Almagro  were  on  the  point  of  changing.  That  commander,  dis- 
mayed at  the  intelligence  of  the  escape  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  and 
the  other  prisoners,  no  less  than  at  the  information  which  he  re- 
ceived of  the  great  preparations  which  the  Governor  was  making 
to  carry  on  the  war,  seemed  now  more  anxious  than  ever  to  con- 
clude a  friendly  arrangement.  Pizarro  evinced  an  equal  anxiety 
for  such  an  event  ;  and  accordingly,  mediators  were  named  on 
each  side  to  conduct  the  negotiation.  The  persons  selected  for  this 
office,  and  who  were  those  of  the  greatest  weight  among  the  Span- 
iards from  their  age,  character,  and  station,  met  at  a  place  called 
Malla.  The  first  articles  of  the  agreement  stipulated,  that  Ferdi- 
nand Pizarro  should  be  immediately  set  at  liberty  ;  that  be.  in  com- 
pany with  a  messenger  from  the  party  of  Almagro,  should  depart 
for  Spain,  in  order  to  lay  the  causes  of  their  dispute  before  the 
Emperor  ;  and  that,  in  tin;  mean  time,  Pizarro  and  Almagro  should 

*  G.  de  la  Vega. 


94  HISTORY  OF  THE 

remain  in  undisturbed  possession  of  those  territories  which  they 
occupied  at  present.  Almagro,  despite  of  former  lessons  of  ex- 
perience, was  weak  enough  to  fall  into  the  snare  prepared  by  his 
rival.  He  conceived  that  there  was  much  justice  in  the  proposal; 
and,  confident  that  the  award  of  the  King  of  Spain  would  be  in 
his  favour,  he  readily  subscribed  to  the  articles  of  the  treaty,  and 
without  further  delay  released  Ferdinand  from  confinement.* 

The  object  of  Pizarro  was  now  accomplished.  No  sooner  were 
his  fears  for  a  brother's  life  at  an  end,  and  that  brother  was  re- 
stored to  liberty,  than  the  Governor  threw  off  the  mask,  and 
showed  openly  what  were  his  real  intentions.  He  was  now  in 
an  attitude  rather  to  threaten  than  to  dread.  The  impolicy  of  the 
procrastinating  line  of  conduct  adopted  by  Almagro,  was  attended 
with  those  results  which  Orgofio  had  anticipated,  and  which  Pi- 
zarro  had  flattered  himself  would  ensue.  The  Governor  was  now 
in  a  state  of  too  much  power  to  listen  to  any  terms  of  accommoda- 
tion short  of  an  absolute  submission  to  his  dictates:  and  he  imme- 
diately appointed  his  two  brothers  to  the  command  of  seven  hun- 
dred men,  who  were  destined  to  invest  and  capture  the  city  of 
Cuzco.  The  preparations  for  this  expedition  were  made  with  that 
promptitude  which  characterized  the  conduct  of  Pizarro  when  he 
wished  to  appeal  to  arms  rather  than  negotiation.  In  the  nomi- 
nation of  his  brothers  to  the  command  of  this  army,  he  showed 
his  usual  policy;  as,  besides  the  natural  enmity  which  had  long 
time  existed  between  his  relatives  and  the  Almagrians,  the  stimu- 
lus of  revenge  was  now  added  to  the  excitement  of  family  feud. 
This  army  was  soon  in  readiness  to  depart,  while  the  Governor 
himself  remained  at  Ciudad  de  los  Reyes,  both  to  protect  it,  and 
to  send  reinforcements  as  occasion  should  require. 

The  formidable  attitude  which  his  rival  had  assumed  in  so  short 
a  time,  convinced  Almagro  of  the  errors  of  his  own  conduct.  He 
bitterly  repented  that  chivalrous  delicacy  which  had  prompted 
him  to  neglect  the  advice  of  prudence,  and  to  pay  more  attention 
to  the  promises  and  vows  of  a  deceitful  competitor,  than  to  the 
wholesome  counsel  of  well-tried  friends.  But  the  mischief  was 
done,  and  nothing  was  now  to  be  expected  but  submission  to  the 
Governor's  command,  or  a  contest  for  authority  in  the  open  field. 
Other  considerations  increased  the  chagrin  and  disappointment 
which  weighed  so  heavily  on  the  heart  of  Almagro.  He  perceived 
that  his  whole  army  amounted  to  no  more  than  five -hundred  men, 
whilst   that  of  the  enemy  was  not  only  superior  in  numbers,  but 

*  Zarate. — Herara. — G.  dc  la  Vega. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  95 

was  seconded  by  the  Governor,  who  would  neglect  no  opportunity 
of  strengthening  it  with  fresh  reinforcements.  Besides  this,  the 
infirmities  consequent  on  an  advanced  age,  and  a  life  spent  in  con- 
tinual hardship,  had  so  far  broken  down  his  constitution,  that  Al- 
magro  perceived,  with  feelings  of  sorrow,  that  he  was  unable  to 
take  the  command  of  the  army  in  person.  Among  his  followers  he 
counted  many  on  whose  devoted  attachment  he  could  confide;  but 
he  could  not  select  a  captain  of  sufficient  influence  over  the  sol- 
diers,— a  circumstance  doubly  afflicting  to  him,  from  his  conscious- 
ness that  the  adverse  army  was  headed  by  Ferdinand  and  Gonzalo 
Pizarro,  whose  abilities  for  command,  no  less  than  their  extraor- 
dinary courage,  were  universally  acknowledged. 

A  diversity  of  opinion  also  prevailed  with  regard  to  the  line  of 
operations  which  Almagro  ought  to  follow.  Some  of  his  adherents 
advised  him  to  defend  the  difficult  passes  of  the  mountains,  but 
he  himself  preferred  awaiting  the  enemy  in  the  plains  of  Cuzco, 
because  his  chief  hope  of  success  depended  on  the  superiority  of 
his  cavalry,  whose  operations  would  be  of  no  avail  if  he  adopted 
a  different  course.  Nor  did  he  care  to  defend  the  mountains,  as 
he  could  not  spare  any  of  his  forces,  which  he  considered  would  be 
more  efficient  if  preserved  in  compact  order.  These  considerations 
induced  him  to  pursue  this  plan;  and  he  accordingly  pitched  his 
camp  on  the  plains  of  Cuzco,  and  intrusted  the  command  of  the 
army  to  Orgono,  one  of  his  officers,  on  whose  abilities  as  well  as 
attachment  he  could  place  the  greatest  reliance.  The  Pizarros, 
meantime,  having  met  with  no  opposition,  arrived  at  length  at  the 
plain  of  Cuchipampa  before  Cuzco,  where  they  beheld  the  enemy 
in  battle  array  ready  to  oppose  them. 

The  moment  was  arrived,  and  one  of  the  most  horrible  events 
—even  that  of  civil  discord  amongst  countrymen  in  a  foreign  land 
— was  on  the  point  of  taking  place.  But  no  feelings  of  a  kindly 
nature  could  now  be  entertained  by  either  party.  They  were  both 
goaded  on  to  hatred  and  bloodshed,  by  the  craving  of  revenge,  no 
less  than  the  rivalry  of  ambition.  Nor  could  the  sight  of  the  In- 
dians, their  common  enemy,  assembled  to  witness  the  unnatural 
contest,  awake  in  the  hearts  of  the  blinded  foes,  any  corresponding 
sentiment  of  dread  for  the  results  of  their  dissensions. 

( )n  the  2f!th  of  April  the  sanguinary  battle  of  the  Salinas  took 
place.  At  first,  the  conflict  began  between  the  body  of  cavalry 
commanded  by.Ferdinand  Pizarro,  and  tin?  advanced  guard  of  the 
forces  of  Almagro,  headed  by  Pedro  de  Lerma,  likewise  of  cavalry. 
This  conflict  was  long,  and  contested  with  equal  resolution  on  both 
sides.     Ferdinand  himself  was  thrown  from  his  horse,  and  nar- 


96  HISTORY  OF  THE 

rowly  escaped  with  life.  The  battle  now  became  general.  Gonzalo 
Pizarro,  who  commanded  the  main  body  of  the  army,  and  Orgo- 
rio,  Ahnagro's  general,  joined  in  the  contest,  which  was  carried  on 
with  that  fierceness  which  generally  characterizes  civil  contention 
The  two  parties  seemed  equally  matched;  for  though  the  Pizarros 
had  the  superiority  in  numbers,  Almagro  possessed  a  larger  pro- 
portion of  cavalry, — a  great  advantage,  considering  the  locality  in 
which  the  battle  was  fought.  By  this  means  the:  combat  was  pro- 
tracted with  bloody  perseverance,  and  for  a  long  time  the  victory 
seemed  to  incline  alternately  to  each  party.  The  Pizarros,  alarmed 
for  the  success  of  their  arms,  ordered  all  their  troops  to  retreat 
behind  a  company  of  well-trained  musketeers,  under  the  protec- 
tion of  whose  heavy  and  incessant  fire  they  then  ordered  them  to 
advance.  In  this  manner  they  continued  to  gain  ground;  for  the 
Almagrians,  unable  to  resist  the  uninterrupted  fire  of  the  muske- 
teers, were  compelled  to  retreat  gradually.  The  slaughter  now 
became  very  great;  the  Pizarros  rushed  furiously  on:  every  re- 
source was  called  into  action  ;  and  at  that  moment  Orgouo  unfortu- 
nately received  a  wound,  and  fell.  Svmptoms  of  confusion  then 
became  apparent  among  the  adherents  of  Almagro,  which  in  a  short 
time  increased  to  total  disorder.  The  rout  became  general;  the 
troops  of  Almagro  were  scattered  on  every  side  ;  and  those  who 
escaped  the  carnage  endeavoured  to  save  themselves  by  flight. 

The  unfortunate  Almagro,  too  weak  from  bodilv  and  mental  suf- 
fering to  join  in  the  contest,  had  beheld  the  fluctuations  of  fortune 
from  a  little  eminence  near  the  field  of  battle.  The  old  veteran, 
with  breathless  anxiety,  saw  the  various  changes  of  the  day  in  the 
tide  of  victor}*;  but  when  at  length  perceived  the  complete  rout  of 
his  troops,  he  seemed  overpowered  by  the  calamity.  lie  bitterly 
cursed  that  ao-edness,  and  those  infirmities  which  prevented  him 
from  rushing  into  the  midst  of  the  combat  to  rally  his  men.  Tie 
cast  an  anxious  melancholy  look  on  the  scene;  and  when  he  saw 
every  slender  hope  of  retrieving  the  day  irrevocably  lost,  the  dread 
of  falling  alive  into  the  hands  of  his  vindictive  enemies  induced 
him  to  seek  safety  by  flight.  The  capture  of  his  person  was, 
however,  of  too  great  importance  to  be  neglected  by  the  Pizarros. 
Accordingly,  Gonzalo  and  Alvarado  commenced  a  pursuit,  and 
succeeded  in  arresting  the  fugitive  general.  With  his  capture 
terminated  the  engagement:  those  who  were  still  on  the  spot  sur- 
rendering at  discretion.*  One  fortunate  circumstance  deserves  to 
be  remarked  in  this  disastrous  battle;    namely,  the  extraordinary 

Zarate. — Herara. — G.  de  la  Vega. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  97 

conduct  of  the  Indians  in  having  neglected  an  occasion  so  favour- 
able for  accomplishing  the  ruin  of  their  common  foe.  T*he  Span- 
iards of  each  party  were  so  much  reduced  in  number,  and  exhausted 
by  their  wounds  and  fatigues,  that,  had  the  Peruvians  attacked  them 
while  in  that  state,  they  might  have  obained  an  easy  victory.  But 
a  strange  fatality  seemed  to  conduct  every  transaction  in  the  New 
World  ;  and  one  is  undecided  which  ought  to  excite  greater  sur- 
prise— the  imprudent  rashness  of  the  Spaniards  in  turning  their 
arms  against  each  other,  while  surrounded  by  their  natural  enemy, 
or  the  apathy  of  the  Peruvians  in  failing  to  take  advantage  of  such 
an  occurrence.  The  conduct  of  both  parties  can  only  be  accounted 
for  on  the  ground  of  the  extraordinary  ascendency  which  the  for- 
mer had  gained  over  the  latter,  and  which  had  invested  the  one 
with  as  much  confidence  in  their  power,  as  it  had  awakened  in 
the  other  sentiments  of  dread  approaching  to  superstitious  awe. 

The  Pizarros  stained  their  triumph  by  acts  of  the  most  revolt- 
ing cruelty.  The  gallant  Orgono,  Lerma,  Sotelo,  and  several 
other  Almagrians  of  note,  were  butchered  in  cold  blood,  as  the 
soldiers  of  the  conquering  party  seized  this  opportunity  of  wreak- 
ing their  vengeance  on  the  foe  for  past  offences.  The  Pizarros, 
far  from  checking  this  abominable  tendency  in  the  troops,  rather 
encouraged  it  by  their  insolent  behaviour.  Cuzco  was  delivered 
up  to  plunder,  and  was  pillaged  of  every  valuable  article  by  the 
conquerors,  who  now  gave  themselves  up  to  the  enjoyment  of  a 
barbarous  exultation.  But  nothing  could  surpass  the  inhumanity 
with  which  Almagro  was  treated,  and  the  lamentable  manner  in 
which  he  was  doomed  to  end  his  life.  From  the  moment  that  he 
fell  into  the  power  of  his  enemies,  they  had  secretly  resolved  upon 
his  death.  They  were  too  sensible  of  the  advantages  which  they 
now  possessed  for  completing  their  triumph,  to  compromise  it  by 
listening  to  such  scrupulous  suggestions  as  those  of  which  Alma- 
gro had  been  the  dupe,  and  was  now  the  victim.  But  the  Pizarros, 
though  determined  to  sacrifice  their  antagonist,  were  anxious  to 
bestow  on  the  act  that  semblance  of  justice  which  had  character- 
ized the  most  iniquitous  transactions  in  the  conquest  of  Peru.  A 
trial  was  accordingly  to  be  instituted  against  Almagro,  and  several 
heavy  charges  brought  against  him,  on  which  he  was  to  be  legally 
convicted,  and  sentenced  to  death. 

This  show  of  justice,  however,  though  it  might  satisfy  the 
wavering  or  timid  Spaniards  of  both  sides,  could  not  impose  upon 
the  late-  partisans  of  Almagro,  who,  though  now  incorporated  with 
the  rival  party,  could  not  tamely  see  their  brave  and  unfortunate 
general  brought,  in  his  declining  years,  to  an  ignominious  end, 
7 


98  HISTORY  OF  THE 


like  a  common  malefactor,  after  the  extraordinary  services  he  had 
rendered*  to  the  Spanish  cause  in  America.  Their  sympathies 
were  urged  on  the  vindictive  disposition  of  the  Pizarros ;  and 
Ferdinand  was  obliged  to  acquiesce  in  the  dictates  of  necessity. 
The  life  of  Almagro  was  accordingly  spared  for  the  present ;  nay, 
to  give  a  colouring  of  impartial  justice  to  his  conduct,  Ferdinand 
caused  a  soldier  of  the  name  of  Samaniego,  who,  from  private 
revenge,  had  assassinated  Pedro  de  Lerma,  as  this  officer  lay 
wounded  and  prostrate  on  his  bed,  to  be  tried,  and  publicly  exe- 
cuted. But  the  opportunity  which  the  Pizarros  had  long  desired, 
of  ridding  themselves  of  their  antagonist,  soon  presented  itself. 
The  booty  collected  at  the  sacking  of  Cuzco,  not  being  sufficient 
to  satisfy  the  sanguine  expectations  formed  by  the  conquerors, 
Ferdinand  proposed  to  several  officers  to  take  the  lead  of  different 
detachments,  and  set  out  on  the  discovery  and  conquest  of  new 
provinces.  A  proposition  so  consonant  with  the  feelings  and 
character  of  these  adventurers,  was  joyfully  accepted.  Several 
expeditions  were  formed  ;  and  in  these  Ferdinand  Pizavro  took 
special  care  to  include  the  late  soldiers  of  Almagro,  as  well  as  the 
less  decided  amongst  his  own  men. 

No  sooner  had  these  various  parties  departed  from  Cuzco,  than 
Ferdinand  hastened  to  the  accomplishment  of  his  wishes.  A 
tribunal  was  formally  invested  with  the  attributes  of  justice,  and 
the  unfortunate  Almagro  summoned  to  appear  before  it,  to  answer 
several  charges  which  held  him  up  in  the  light  of  a  traitor  and  a 
rebel.  Many  accusations  were  urged  against  him  ;  of  which  the 
principal  were,  his  having  entered  Cuzco  by  force  ;  his  opening- 
negotiations  with  the  Inca  against  the  Spaniards  ;  and  his  being 
the  cause  of  the  blood  shed  in  the  conflicts  of  Abancav  and  Sali- 
nas. These  several  impeachments  were  substantially  proved, 
and  Almagro  was  condemned  to  suffer  a  public  death.  The 
unfortunate  veteran  was  thunderstruck  at  the  announcement  of 
such  a  sentence.  Though  aware  of  the  inveteracv  of  hostile  feel- 
ing which  Ferdinand  Pizarro  entertained  against  him,  he  could 
never  have  anticipated  that  he  would  carry  his  cruelty  so  far  as 
to  deprive  him  of  life,  now  that  he  saw  him  completely  ruined, 
his  fortunes  for  ever  lost,  and  himself  approaching  the  end  of  his 
mortal  career  through  an  accumulation  of  bodily  infirmities  and 
mental  sufferings.  But  the  intentions  of  the  Pizarros  were  but 
too  manifest;  and  Almagro  soon  perceived  that  he  had  no  corn- 
passion  to  expect  from  his  merciless  adversaries.  The  hapless 
old  man,  labouring  under  a  combination  of  evils,  struggling  at 
once  with  sickness,  debility,  sorrow  and  disappointment,  descend- 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  99 

ed  to  the  humiliation  of  appealing  for  pity  to  a  man  who  was  a 
stranger  to  such  a  feelinsr. 

It  was  a  miserable,  a  mournful,  and  a  disgusting  scene, to  behold 
the  valiant  veteran  Almagro, — a  man  who  had  spent  his  life  in 
the  most  laborious  toil  for  the  service  of  his  country, — a  leader  to 
whom,  after  Francis  Pizarro,  his  country  was  indebted  most  for 
the  conquest  of  Peru  ; — it  was  indeed  an  afflicting  sight  to  behold 
him  now,  a  deserted  being,  forsaken  by  fortune,  prostrate  at  the 
feet  of  his  successful  antagonist,  and  supplicating  the  boon  of  that 
life  which  was  now  scarcely  worth  preserving.  Almagro  repre- 
sented to  Ferdinand  Pizarro  the  difference  of  his  own  conduct, 
when  he  might  have  exercised  his  vengeance  with  impunity. 
He  urged  the  frankness  and  generosity  of  his  conduct  during  the 
whole  period  of  their  dissensions,  the  services  which  he  had  ren- 
dered to  Spain,  and,  finally,  that  he  had  once  been  the  beloved 
friend  of  Francis  Pizarro,  and  had  largely  contributed  to  the 
elevation  and  fortune  not  only  of  that  individual,  but  of  his  bro- 
thers also.  These  arguments  were  indeed  unanswerable ;  but 
Ferdinand  shunned  a  discussion  which  he  could  not  successfully 
maintain,  and  preferred  cutting  the  matter  short  to  entering  upon 
a  refutation  of  Ahnagro's  just  remonstrances.  He  accordingly 
affected  to  be  extremely  surprised  and  ashamed,  that  a  veteran 
Spanish  warrior  of  Ahnagro's  distinguished  merit  should  evince 
such  pusillanimity  at  the  approach  of  death.  The  bitterness  of 
this  rebuke  went  to  the  old  man's  heart,  and  perceiving  that  every 
attempt  to  soften  his  enemy  would  prove  ineffectual,  he  summoned 
the  declining  energies  of  his  soul  to  meet  his  fate  with  becoming 
resolution  and  composure.  He  desisted  from  further  expostulation, 
and  prepared  for  death. 

.Many  of  the  Spaniards  were  deeply  moved  by  the  disastrous 
fate  of  the  once  gallant  chief  and  powerful  conqueror  Almagro.  and 
some  partial  attempts  -were  made  to  save  his  life  ;  but  the  brothers 
remained  inflexible.  Tin?  only  mitigation  of  the  punishment 
awarded  to  the  veteran  was,  that  he  should  be  strangled  in  prison, 
and  then  publicly  beheaded,  instead  of  undergoing  the  latter  doom 
when  alive.  This  sentence  was  soon  carried  into  execution,  and 
Almagro  met  it  with  a  fortitude  and  composure  worthy  of  his 
military  renown  and  his  former  achievements.  lie  was  in  the 
Ooth  year  of  his  age  when  he  suffered.  Previously  to  bis  execu- 
tion, he  arranged  all  his  affairs,  atid  made  a  will,  by  which  he 
named  his  son  Diego,  whose  mother  was  an  Indian  woman  of 
Panama,  successor  in  his  government,  according  to  the  royal  grant 
bestowed  on  him.     This  son  was, at  the  time,  a  prisoner  in  Lima; 


100  HISTORY  OF  THE 


and,  though  the  provision  made  by  his  father  in  his  favour  was 
disregarded  by  the  Pizarros  at  the  time,  it  proved  a  fruitful  source 
of  dissensions  and  calamities  in  the  sequel.* 

Such  was  the  disastrous  end  of  Don  Diego  de  Almagro,  one  of 
the  most  distinguished  conquerors  of  the  New  World.  Though 
the  utmost  researches  were  made  in  order  to  ascertain  who  were 
his  parents,  the  secret  of  his  birth  remained  undisclosed.  He  was 
found,  as  has  already  been  stated,  when  an  infant,  at  the  door  of 
a  church,  and  brought  up  as  a  foundling  ;  but,  from  a  certain  high- 
mindedness  for  which  he  was  conspicuous,  as  well  as  from  his 
noble  carriage,  and  the  circumstance  of  his  family  never  reclaim- 
ing him,  when  his  name  became  so  illustrious  that  it  would  have 
conferred  honour  and  profit  upon  them,  had  they  been  in  humble 
circumstances,  an  inference  may  be  drawn  that  he  was  of  noble 
birth,  although  the  offspring  of  some  guilty  amour.  Be  this  as  it 
may,  Almagro  was  not  only  a  soldier  of  superior  merit,  but,  at  the 
some  time,  a  man  of  considerable  abilities,  affording  a  striking  con- 
trast to  his  companion  and  associate  Francis  Pizarro.  In  the 
conduct  of  the  former,  a  social  frankness,  a  certain  chivalrous 
generosity,  is  generally  observed;  while  the  latter  is  more  remark- 
able for  a  refined  duplicity,  and  an  evident  disposition  to  sacrifice 
every  consideration  to  the  views  of  policy.  The  life  of  Almagro 
is  certainly  not  altogether  free  from  just  blame  in  the  various 
stages  of  his  career;  but  though  guilty  of  various  faults,  he  was 
nevertheless  a  stranger  to  that  excessive  cruelty  which  was  a  lead- 
ing feature  in  the  character  of  the  Pizarros.  To  Almagro,  Spain 
was  indebted  not  only  for  the  important  part  which  he  acted  in 
the  conquest  of  Peru,  and  various  other  services  previous  to  that 
event,  but  also  for  the  discovery  of  the  extensive  kingdom  of  Chili, 
which  became,  in  the  sequel,  one  of  the  most  lucrative  possessions 
of  the  Spanish  crown  in  America. 

Some  historians  pretend,  that,  at  first,  it  was  not  the  intention 
of  Ferdinand  Pizarro  to  put  Almagro  to  death,  but  that  he  had 
resolved  to  send  him  prisoner  into  Spain,  there  to  be  judged  by 
the  tribunals  of  his  country.  From  this  purpose,  however,  he  was 
dissuaded,  by  information  which  he  received,  that  one  of  his  offi- 
cers, named  Gonzalo  Mesa,  had  arranged  a  conspiracy,  in  order 
to  attempt  Almagro's  rescue  on  his  way  from  Cuzco  towards  the 
coast.  It  is  difficult  to  decide  between  these  two  opposing  state- 
ments ;  but  it  is  natural  to  imagine,  from  the  remorseless  character 
of  Pizarro,  that,  regarding  Almagro  as  a  prisoner  of  too  great  con- 

*  Zarate.— G.dela  Vega. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  101 

sequence  to  be  condemned  by  so  obscure  and  partial  a  tribunal  as 
that  which  he  could  there  assemble,  he  would  not  be  scrupulous 
about  inventing  reasons  that  might  justify,  or  at  least  palliate,  his 
decision. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

New  Plans — Voyage  of  Ferdinand  Pizarro  to  Spain — His  imprisonment,  &c. — 
Expedition  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  to  the  Canela,  kc. 

The  death  of  Almagro,  together  with  the  dispersion  of  his  ad- 
herents in  the  various  detachments  which  were  spread  about  the 
country,  put  an  end  for  a  time  to  the  civil  dissensions  which  had 
lately  agitated  the  Spaniards.  The  governor,  Pizarro,  enjoyed  at 
length  a  complete  tranquillity;  and,  in  this  interval  of  repose,  he 
directed  his  thoughts  towards  the  legislation,  civil  economy,  and 
embellishment  of  all  those  territories  over  which  he  now  held  full 
and  undisturbed  jurisdiction.  Perceiving  everything  in  a  tranquil 
state,  he  sallied  forth,  and  in  a  short  period  brought  into  subjection 
the  Callao,  together  with  an  extensive  territory.  He  then  returned 
to  Cuzco,  where  the  three  brothers  held  long  and  important  con- 
sultations on  the  measures  to  be  adopted  for  the  future.  In  spite 
of  the  recklessness  of  their  dispositions,  their  consciences  could  not 
absolve  them  from  the  atrocious  doom  inflicted  on  Almagro;  and 
they  felt  anxious  to  remove  the  bad  effect  which  the  first  intelli- 
gence of  the  transaction  might  produce  on  the  Spanish  monarch. 
It  was  accordingly  resolved  that  Ferdinand,  the  most  refined  in 
manners,  and  the  most  intelligent  of  the  brothers,  should  repair 
to  Spain -without  loss  of  time,  in  order  to  justify  their  conduct,  and 
lav  the  blame  of  the  whole  transaction  on  the  obstinacy  and  re- 
bellious conduct  of  Almagro. 

Several  of  the  officers  expressed  their  opposition  to  this  deter- 
mination. They  contended,  not  without  plausible  foundation,  that 
it  was  highly  impolitic  to  send  a  Pizarro  to  the  Spanish  court  so 
soon  after  the  death  of  Almagro,  some  of  whose  adherents,  having 
effected  their  escape  from  the  country,  had  had  time  to  repair  to 
Spain,  and  predispose  the  minds  of  government  and  the  people 
against  him.  This  objection  was  founded  on  reason  ;  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  Ferdinand  knew,  that  the  presents  which  he  would 


102  HISTORY  OF  THE 


carry  with  him,  his  renown  as  one  of  the  chief  conquerors  of  Peru, 
and  the  hope  of  his  future  services,  would  soften  any  inimical 
feelings  which  the  King  might  entertain.  Besides,  however 
great  might  be  the  exertions  of  Almagro's  friends  to  injure  him, 
he  flattered  himself  that  Charles  would  not  declare  against  the 
Pizarros,  from  whom  he  had  much  to  expect,  merely  to  revenge 
the  death  of  a  man  wdiose  services  ended  before  his  death  occur- 
red. To  these  reasonings  was  added  Ferdinand's  consciousness 
of  his  being  an  object  of  marked  aversion  to  many  of  the  Spaniards 
in  Peru,  on  account  of  the  implacable  animosity  which  he  had 
evinced  towards  Almagro.  These  several  motives  weighed  down 
every  opposition,  and  Ferdinand  departed  for  Spain  in  1539. 

Meanwhile,  Diego  de  Alvarado — a  stanch  partisan  of  Alma- 
gro, who  had  succeeded  in  making  his  escape  after  the  disastrous 
battle  of  Salinas — as  well  as  other  friends  of  the  late  commander, 
were  assiduous  applicants  at  the  Spanish  court  to  urge  the  trial  of 
the  Pizarros  for  the  excesses  of  which  they  were  accused.  Fer- 
dinand appeared  in  Spain  with  a  pomp  and  magnificence  which 
astonished  the  people,  and  which  was  assumed,  no  doubt,  in  order 
to  dazzle  his  countrymen,  and  to  create  the  most  exaggerated  ideas 
of  his  wealth  and  power.  But,  in  spite  of  this  assumption,  and 
of  the  fearless  manner  in  which  he  presented  himself  at  court, 
he  soon  perceived  that  the  tide  of  royal  favour  flowed  decidedly 
against  himself  and  his  brothers.  His  enemies  had  been  unre- 
mitting in  their  exertions  to  accomplish  his  ruin;  and  they  had 
succeeded  in  alarming  the  Spanish  government,  by  dismal  ac- 
counts of  the  power  arrogated  by  the  Pizarros.  and  of  the  tyranny 
which  they  exercised.  These  brothers  were  accused  of  the  most 
violent  and  vexatious  measures,  not  only  against  the  Indians,  but 
the  Spaniards  ;  and  were  represented  as  partial  and  unjust — re- 
strained by  no  consideration — boundless  in  their  avarice,  and'  reck- 
less of  the  means  of  satisfying  it.  In  the  whole  quarrel  between 
them  and  the  Almagrians,  they  were  depicted  as  the  aggressors, 
and  as  having  conducted  themselves  throughout  the  affair  with  a 
degree  of  cruelty,  treachery  and  injustice,  unparalleled  in  the 
annals  of  American  conquest.  The  melancholy  end  of  Almagro 
was  strongly  dwelt  upon ;  and  his  good  qualities,  great  services, 
and  acknowledged  merit,  were  conspicuously  brought  forward. 
Nothing,  in  fine,  was  left  untried  that  could  tend  to  exaggerate  the 
guilt  of  the  Pizarros,  and  represent  them  in  the  most  odious  col- 
ours. Such  assiduous  efforts  were  not  without  effect;  and  the 
King  of  Spain,  awakened  to  a  sense  of  indignation  at  the  conduct 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  103 


of  the  brothers,  and  still  more  alarmed  by  a  suspicious  jealousy 
that  they  were  curtailing  his  authority,  lent  the  most  favourable 
ear  to  their  accusers,  and  ordered  that  a  strict  investigation  should 
be  commenced  forthwith  respecting  the  affairs  of  Peru. 

Ferdinand  Pizarro,  though  mortified  and  chagrined  at  the  ad- 
vantage which  his  enemies  had  gained  over  him,  by  having  been 
earlier  in  obtaining  a  hearing,  was  nothing  daunted  at  the  circum- 
stance, nor  disposed  to  yield  any  deference  to  the  cry  against  him. 
On  the  contrary,  with  that  resolute  and  imperturbable  daring 
which  was  so  characteristic  of  all  the  brothers,  he  boldly  entered 
upon  a  contest  with  Alvarado  and  the  other  Almagrians.  With 
the  greatest  presence  of  mind,  and  with  unbending  firmness,  he 
defended  his  conduct,  and  fearlessly  laid  the  whole  odium  of  the 
civil  dissensions  at  Peru  upon  his  opponents.  He  accused  them 
of  rebellion,  and  protested  that  it  was  owing  to  their  ambitious  and 
unruly  temper  that  Spain  had  to  deplore  the  loss  of  so  many  of 
her  sons.  Ferdinand  urged  his  arguments  with  such  dexterity- 
blended  so  skillfully  a  tincture  of  boldness  with  a  pretended  con- 
sciousness of  innocence — and  appeared  at  once  so  much  in  the 
light  of  an  injured  person — a  person,  too,  who  had  the  power  to 
retort — that  Charles  was  compelled  to  listen  to  his  remonstrances. 
He  was  afraid,  on  the  one  hand,  to  exasperate  the  Pizarrosat  Peru, 
who,  at  such  a  distance,  and  commanding  such  resources  in  the 
country,  and  urged  on  by  their  reckless  character,  might  be  tempt- 
ed to  any  outrage  against  the  royal  authority.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Spanish  ministry,  from  the  respective  accounts  given  by  the 
two  contending  parlies,  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  affairs  of 
Peru  were  in  a  most  unsettled  state,  and  that  there  the  greatest 
confusion  prevailed.  It  was  obvious  that  the  most  melancholy 
results  were  to  be  expected  from  the  spirit  of  faction  that  reigned 
in  the  country,  that  the  Indians  would  ultimately  avail  themselves 
of  the  disunion  among  the  Spaniards,  and  turn  the  circumstance 
to  their  own  advantage.  But  the  knowledge  that  such  an  evil 
existed  was  not  sufficient  for  its  cure.  Besides,  the  information 
received,  though  conclusive  in  establishing  the  necessity  of  adopt- 
ing prompt  measures,  was  vet  so  liable  to  suspicion — proceeding 
as  it  did  from  two  opposite  parties,  each  interested  in  representing 
at/airs  in  a  light  as  advantageous  to  itself  as  criminatory  to  the 
otiier — ilia'  the  Spanish  court  was  left  very  much  in  the  dark 
with  regard  to  the  various  points  in  contention;  and  it  was  neces- 
sary to  acquire  this  knowledge  before  ulterior  measures  could  be 
adopted. 

To  send  a  person  of  note  to  Peru,  who  should  inquire  into  the 


104  HISTORY  OF  THE 

real  state  of  the  country,  was  the  only  means  of  elucidating  the 
truth.  This  plan  the  ministry  resolved  to  follow;  and,  that  the 
embassy  might  be  invested  with  becoming  dignity  and  import- 
ance, a  personage  of  great  eminence  was  selected  for  the  mission, 
and  extensive  powers  were  vested  in  his  person.  He  was  directed 
to  institute  a  minute  investigation  into  the  affairs  of  the  country 
— to  weigh  maturely  the  pretensions  and  grounds  of  complaint  of 
the  two  contending  parties — as  well  as  to  give  rewards  or  decree 
punishments,  where  merited.  The  individual  chosen  to  discharge 
such  high  and  responsible  functions,  was  Don  Christoval  Vaca  de 
Castro,  a  man  equally  remarkable  for  his  prudence,  talents  and 
integrity,  and  who  was,  besides,  a  judge  of  the  court  of  Ileal  Au- 
diencia&t  Valladolid.  No  particular  character  was  assigned  to  his 
functions  ;  for  they  were  of  a  mixed  nature,  and  he  was  to  exercise, 
as  occasion  might  require,  either  diplomatic,  political,  judicial,  or 
absolute  powers.  Should  Francis  Pizarro  be  alive  on  the  arrival 
of  Vaca  de  Castro  at  Peru,  the  latter  was  to  assume  only  the 
functions  of  a  judge,  and  to  appear  to  act  in  concert  with  the 
Governor,  so  that  it  might  appear  obvious  that  he  was  sent  rather 
as  an  auxiliary  than  a  spy  on  the  actions  of  Pizarro.  Indeed 
Charles  was  by  no  means  inclined  to  give  occasion  of  complaint 
to  a  man  from  whom  he  had  received  such  services,  and  whose 
power  he  justly  dreaded.  This  consideration  alone,  and  not  his 
approbation  of  the  conduct  of  the  Governor,  induced  him  to  behave 
towards  him  with  such  evident  leniency.  In  case,  however,  of 
the  death  of  Pizarro,  Vaca  de  Castro  was  to  transmit  to  Spain  a 
faithful  account  of  everything,  and  assume,  in  the  mean  time, 
absolute  power  over  the  affairs  of  the  country. 

But  while  the  Emperor  seemed  so  solicitous  not  to  exasperate 
Francis  Pizarro,  he  displayed  very  different  sentiments  towards 
his  brother  Ferdinand.  The  accusations  preferred  against  the 
latter  were  so  serious,  that  he  conceived  they  ought  not  to  be 
treated  with  indifference.  Besides,  Charles  was  convinced  of  the 
impolicy  of  allowing  Ferdinand  to  return  to  Peru.  Already  dread- 
ing too  much  the  power  of  the  brothers,  he  resolved  to  prevent 
the  departure  from  Spain  of  the  one,  who,  in  point  of  political 
abilities,  was  superior  to  the  others.*  Ferdinand  had  indeed  played 
the  most  conspicuous,  as  well  as  the  most  odious  part,  in  the 
transactions  against  Almagro;  and  thus  a  justifiable  pretext  was 
afforded  for  the  seizure  of  his  person.  The  Spanish  court  was, 
accordingly,  not  long  undecided  in  the  course  it  ought  to  pursue. 
By  sacrificing  Ferdinand  Pizarro,  it  would  at  once  satisfy  the 
friends   of  Almagro,  give  to   the   public   a  plausible   example  of 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  105 

justice,  and  prevent  the  dangerous  person  from  rejoining  his  bro- 
thers in  Peru.  Policy  urged  the  measure;  and  the  King,  totally 
disregarding  the  claims  of  Ferdinand  on  his  royal  indulgence 
if  not  gratitude,  and  paying  no  respect  to  his  past  services  and 
hardships,  ordered  him  to  be  arrested,  loaded  with  chains,  and 
thrown  into  a  dungeon.  In  this  gloomy  confinement  he  remained 
nearly  twenty-three  years;*  and  when  he  was  released  from  it,  he 
was  completely  broken  down  by  advanced  age  and  severe  suffer- 
ing. Nor  did  his  restoration  to  liberty  mitigate  in  any  material 
degree  the  galling  bitterness  of  his  condition;  for  he  never  again 
returned  to  the  enjoyment  of  wealth  or  power,  and  he  was  debar- 
red, by  his  years  and  infirmities,  from  seeking  consolation  in  new 
enterprises.  A  striking  example  of  suffering,  of  disappointed 
hopes,  and  of  neglect,  he  lingered  out  the  remainder  of  his  days 
in  that  insignificance  which  has  been  the  award  of  many  other 
warriors  in  the  decline  of  life.  Such  was  the  fate  of  Ferdinand 
Pizarro,  who,  though  sharing  in  the  faults  of  his  brothers,  still 
merited  from  the  Spanish  court,  on  account  of  his  services  and 
sufferings,  if  not  recompense,  at  least  mitigation  of  punishment. 

Francis  Pizarro,  meanwhile,  having  completely  put  down  the 
faction  of  the  Almagrians,  and  being  in  no  apprehension  of  a 
renewal  of  hostilities,  devoted  his  whole  attention  to  extending  the 
boundaries  of  his  dominions,  and  improving  the  condition  of  the 
territories  already  subdued.  The  passion  of  the  Spaniards  for 
discovery  and  conquest,  instead  of  being  allayed,  seemed  only  to 
increase  in  proportion  as  new  enterprises  were  crowned  with 
success.  Besides,  there  was  another  reason  for  encouraging  this 
spirit  among  the  followers  of  Pizarro.  The  Governor  had  never 
been  remarkable  for  impartiality  in  his  transactions,  and  this 
naturally  gave  grounds  of  just  complaint  to  his  men.  In  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  wealth  acquired,  in  the  adjudgment  of  rewards, 
and  in  the  partition  of  lands,  he  behaved  rather  in  the  manner  of 
an  absolute  master  than  of  a  fair  and  candid  judge.  Accordingly, 
while  he  reserved  the  greatest  and  best  share  of  the  spoil  for  him- 
self and  his  brothers,  he  in  several  cases  neglected  the  just  claims 
of  many  a  deserving  officer.  Such  conduct  could  not  but  be  at- 
tended with  serious  inconvenience.  The  murmurs  of  discontent 
bey-an  to  be  heard,  and  the  Governor  thought  it  at  once  prudent 
and  advantageous  to  silence  the  disaffected  bv  sending  them  to 
remote  regions,  where  their  clamours  could  be  attended  with  no 
mischief.     He  accordingly  gave  his  sanction   to  the  formation  of 

*  Honiara. — G.  dc  la  Vc<ra. 


106  HISTORY  OF  THE 


various  expeditions,  in  which  he  took  care  to  include  most  of  the 
partisans  of  Alniae.ro,  whom  he  had  unjustly  excluded  from  a 
share  in  the  emoluments  derived  from  those  conquests  towards 
which  they  had  so  efficiently  contributed.  By  this  means  he 
thought  to  rid  himself  for  ever  of  the  importunities  of  the  malcon- 
tents, and  set  their  cabals  at  defiance.  But  he  was  totally  mis- 
taken in  his  speculations.  Though  the  adherents  of  Almagro 
were  not  now  in  a  state  to  make  any  attempt  against  the  Governor, 
they  nevertheless  cherished  in  secret  a  rancorous  hatred,  which 
only  wanted  an  opportunity  to  break  out,  and  revenge,  by  the 
ruin  of  their  enemy,  their  own  disappointments  and  the  wrongs 
of  their  party. 

Among  the  various  expeditions  which  were  formed  about  that 
time,  none  perhaps  was  accompanied  with  greater  hardships,  and 
more  important  results,  than  the  enterprises  pursued  by  Gonzalo 
Pizarro.  His  brother  sent  him  with  a  considerable  and  well- 
equipped  body  to  the  conquest  of  the  Callaos  and  the  Charcas, 
which  lie  at  a  distance  of  two  hundred  leagues  southward  of 
Cuzco.  This  expedition  was  accompanied  with  those  severe  trials 
which  generally  attended  the  undertakings  of  the  Spaniards  in 
America.  At  first  Gonzalo  met  with  little  opposition  from  the 
natives;  but  no  sooner  did  he  arrive  on  the  confines  of  the  pro- 
vince of  the  Choucas,  above  a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  from 
Cuzco,  than  he  found  a  total  change  in  the  character  of  the  in- 
habitants. From  every  quarter  numerous  bodies  poured  forth  to 
arrest  the  progress  of  the  Spaniards.  Several  brisk  conilicts  took 
place,  in  which  the  Spaniards  invariably  came  off  victorious, 
though  their  triumphs  were  not  obtained  without  considerable 
losses.  Indeed,  on  one  occasion,  the  commander  himself,  while 
eagerly  pursuino;  the  Indians  after  a  battle,  and  being  accompanied 
only  by  three  officers,  Garsilaso  de  la  Vega,  Figueroa,  and  ( Jaspar 
Lara,  was  on  the  point  of  tailing,  along  with  his  companions,  a 
sacrifice  to  this  rashness.  The  Indians,  observing  them  so  far 
from  the  body  of  the  army,  suddenly  rallied,  and  rushing  fiercely 
upon  them,  they  were  almost  overpowered.  It  was  only  by  exer- 
tions of  the  most  desperate  courage  that  the  four  Spanish  cavaliers 
extricated  themselves  from  the  danger,  and  succeeded  in  saving 
their  lives,  though  all  of  them  were  wounded.  Gonzalo  continued 
to  advance;  but,  when  he  arrived  at  Chuquisoca,  he  found  his 
men  so  exhausted  and  so  reduced  in  number,  and  the  enemy  col- 
lected to  oppose  his  progress  so  formidable,  that  he  was  compelled 
to  demand  immediate  succour  from  his  brother.  With  a  reinforce- 
ment timely  sent,  Gonzalo,  after  a  variety  of  perils,  battles,  and 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  107 

sufferings,  at  length  succeeded  in  reducing  those  provinces  to  sub- 
jection. :; 

The  conqueror,  according  to  the  practice  of  the  Spanish  chiefs 
in  America,  no  sooner  saw  the  country  in  a  state  of  tranquillity, 
than  he  began  the  foundation  of  a  colon)-,  which  was  afterwards 
well  known  as  La  Plata,  from  the  rich  mines  of  silver  discovered 
in  that  territory.  While  Gonzalo  Pizarro  Avas  occupied  in  the 
establishment  of  this  colony,  his  brother  was  forming  further  pro- 
jects of  conquest.  He  had  received  information,  that  there  lay 
beyond  the  boundaries  of  the  kingdom  of  Quito,  and  out  of  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Incas,  an  extensive  and  rich  territory,  known 
by  the  name  of  the  Land  of  Cinnamon,  from  the  profusion  of 
spice  of  that  name  with  which  it  abounded.  The  cupidity  of  the 
Governor  was  excited  afresh  at  this  intelligence;  and,  far  from 
being  satisfied  witli  the  additional  dominions  which  his  brother 
had  lately  made  to  the  Spanish  crown,  he  determined  to  push 
forward  his  plans  of  discovery  and  conquest.  The  newly  sub- 
jected province  being  completely  at  rest,  he  accordingly  recalled 
CJonzalo,  as  he  wished  to  communicate  with  him  on  an  affair  of 
great  moment.  On  the  arrival  of  Gonzalo  at  Cuzco,  the  Governor 
immediately  proposed  to  him  to  undertake  an  expedition  to  the 
Canela,  or  Land  of  Cinnamon.  He  was  particularly  anxious  to 
reduce  that  country  to  subjection,  not  only  on  account  of  the 
wealth  which  might  be  derived  from  it,  but  because  he  wished 
that  his  brother  Gonzalo  should  acquire  an  extensive  and  inde- 
pendent government,  as  a  just  reward  for  his  services. 

The  proposal  was  joyfully  embraced  by  Gonzalo.  lie  thanked 
his  brother  for  his  arrangements,  and  signified  his  readiness  to 
depart  without  loss  of  time.  Nothing  could  damp  the  ardour  of 
the  hardy  soldier;  for,  though  he  had  but  recently  endured  so 
much,  the  recollection  of  what  he  had  suffered  was  not  enough 
to  deter  him  from  embarking  upon  an  undertaking  apparently 
surrounded  with  still  more  serious  obstacles.  His  brother  now 
bestowed  upon  him  the  government  of  Quito,  that  he  might  find 
resources  fur  carrying  on  his  arduous  expedition,  as  the  kingdom 
of  Quito  was  contiguous  to  the  long  tract  of  land  which  it  was 
now  intended  to  explore  and  subdue.  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  the  young- 
est surviving  brother,  was  equal  to  the  others  in  daring  and  cour- 
age, and  was  not  inferior  to  them  in  ambition,  fie  set  out  witli 
the  greatest  confidence  from  Cuzco  at  the  head  of  two  hundred 
men,  half  of  them  cavalry,  and  all  perfectly  equipped.      After  a 

*  G.  do  la  Vega. 


108  HISTORY  OF  THE 


long-  and  arduous  journey,  and  after  several  engagements  with  the 
Indians,  he  at  length  arrived  at  Quito,  where,  upon  being  shown 
the  Governor's  order,  Pedro  Puelles,  who  commanded  at  the 
place,  resigned  his  authority,  and  aided  Gonzalo  in  raising  further 
resources  for  the  expedition.  Here  he  augmented  his  forces, 
selected  four  thousand  Indians,  and  laid  in  an  ample  stock  of  pro- 
visions to  serve  them  in  the  hazardous  enterprise  in  which  they 
were  about  to  embark.  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  leaving  Puelles  as  his 
lieutenant  at  Quito,  set  out  from  that  place  about  the  beginning  of 
the  year  1539.  At  first,  his  journey  resembled  more  a  military 
promenade  than  a  campaign,  as  the  Spaniards  were  treated  with 
the  utmost  kindness  and  respect  by  the  Indians,  who  neglected 
nothing  that  could  add  to  their  comfort  and  enjoyment. 

These  favourable  prospects,  however,  were  not  lasting.  No 
sooner  had  Pizarro  quitted  the  provinces  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Inca,  than  the  aspect  of  affairs  was  completely  changed.  In  the 
territory  of  Quizos,  which  lies  immediately  to  the  north  of  Quito,  the 
natives  attacked  the  Spaniards  with  great  impetuosity,  but  were  re- 
pulsed by  the  latter.  Having  entered  a  town  where  they  resolved  to 
rest,  the  troops  were  here  alarmed  by  a  terrible  earthquake,  which 
leveled  the  greater  part  of  the  dwellings  with  the  ground,  but 
was  fortunately  unaccompanied  with  any  disaster  to  the  Spaniards. 
But  the  phenomena,  which  they  beheld  for  many  days  following, 
filled  the  more  superstitious  with  a  sort  of  religious  dread,  and  all 
with  wonder  and  amazement.  The  earth  opened  in  several  places; 
— fearful  sheets  of  broad  and  dazzling  lightning  continually  flashed 
before  them,  while  the  roar  of  the  thunder  was  tremendous; — the 
rain  poured  in  torrents,  and  they  could  find  no  shelter  from  this 
fearful  storm,  which  lasted  nearly  two  months.  They  then  began 
to  ascend  the  Andes,  which  were  covered  with  snow;  but  the 
cold  in  a  short  time  became  so  intense  that  many  of  the  Indians, 
who  went  scantily  attired,  were  frozen  to  death;  and  many  of  the 
cattle  which  they  brought  with  them  for  provisions  were  lost. 
Having  passed  the  mountains,  they  now  entered  a  deserted  re- 
gion, in  traversing  which  they  exerted  their  utmost  efforts,  as  they 
were  now  in  a  deplorable  state  for  want  of  provisions.  They  at 
length  arrived  in  the  town  of  Cumaco,  which  was  situated  at  the 
foot  of  a  valley,  and  where  their  hunger  was  satisfied,  but  at  the 
expense  of  another  equally  severe  annoyance.  The  rain  poured 
in  such  fearful  abundance  for  the  space  of  two  months,  that  they 
not  only  had  their  clothes  damaged  and  spoiled,  but  in  other  re- 
spects were  totally  unable  to  continue  their  journey.  These  trials, 
however,  Gonzalo  and  his   hardy  companions   underwent   with 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  109 

exemplary  resignation,  cheered  by  the  hopes  that  a  rich  reward 
would  crown  all  their  sufferings.  At  Cumaco  their  eyes  were 
gladdened  with  the  sight  of  the  cinnamon  tree,  which,  as  it  had 
been  one  of  the  principal  inducements  which  had  allured  them  to 
undertake  so  trying  an  expedition,  seemed  now  to  offer  some  alle- 
viation to  their  sufferings.  In  a  comparatively  short  space  of  time, 
they  had  been  exposed  to  such  changes  of  climate,  as  to  break 
down  the  most  robust  constitutions.  After  the  extreme  of  cold 
which  they  had  experienced  in  the  Andes,  they  now  found  them- 
selves exposed  to  an  intensity  of  heat.  Indeed,  this  was  so  in- 
tolerable about  Cumaco,  that  the  natives  went  completely  naked. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  left  the  greater  part  of  his  men  at  Cumaco, 
and  proceeded  with  a  select  body  of  the  most  active  and  hardy 
followers,  in  order  to  find  out  a  path  through  which  his  troops 
might  continue  their  march  with  less  toil  than  they  had  expe- 
rienced during  the  hundred  leagues  which  they  had  already 
traveled.  In  this  progress,  Pizarro  experienced  the  usual  hard- 
ships, which  were  not  the  less  afflicting,  from  having  been  anti- 
cipated. The  Spaniards  were  compelled  to  feed  on  wild  unsav- 
oury fruits  and  roots,  as  in  many  places  they  found  dreary  deserts, 
Avithout  any  trace  of  vegetation;  and  in  others,  the  inhabitants, 
startled  at  the  appearance  of  such  strange  visitors,  fled  on  their 
approach  into  the  thickets  and  forests.  After  surmounting  these 
various  difficulties,  they  reached  the  province  of  Cuca,  a  territory 
more  fertile,  where  the  inhabitants  appeared  friendly  disposed  to- 
wards the  Spaniards.  In  this  place  they  came  in  sight  of  a  large 
river,  being  the  principal  tributary  of  the  Maragnon,  and  which  con- 
tributed greatly  to  increase  that  already  magnificent  stream.  Here 
Gonzalo  resolved  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  rest  of  his  party, 
whom  he  had  left  at  Cumaco  with  instructions  to  follow  slowly, 
and  to  pursue  the  track  left  for  their  guidance  by  the  vanguard 
of  their  company.  Besides,  the  Spaniards  were  in  a  melancholy 
condition,  and  in  exti'eme  want  of  rest  from  their  sufferings;  for, 
as  Dr.  Robertson  says,  "they  could  not  advance  a  step  but  as  they 
cut  a  road  through  woods,  or  made  it  through  marshes.  Such 
incessant  toil  and  continual  scarcity  of  food,  seemed  more  than 
sufficient  to  have  exhausted  and  dispirited  any  troops.  But  the 
fortitude  and  perseverance  of  the  Spaniards  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury were  indomitable." 

The  men  from  Cumaco  having  joined  their  companions,  and 
due  time  having  been  allowed  them  to  recover  from  their  fatigue, 
GonzalVj  continued  his  march,  following  the  banks  of  the  river, 
which,  being  extremely  broad  and  copious,  was  not  fordable,  and 


110  HISTORY  OF  THE 


which  presented  no  bridge  by  which  it  might  be  crossed.  After 
having  traveled  about  fifty  leagues,  they  were  startled  by  a  loud 
and  awful  sound  of  falling  waters.  They  soon  found  the  noise  to 
proceed  from  a  stupendous  cataract  ;  but  their  wonder  was  in- 
creased, when  they  perceived,  about  forty  leagues  below,  that  this 
immense  mass  of  water  gradually  became  narrower,  till  it  passed 
through  a  sort  of  canal  formed  in  a  rock.  The  space  between  the 
two  points  of  the  rock  was  so  narrow,  that  (ionzalo  Pizarro  con- 
ceived this  spot  to  be  the  most  favourable  for  crossing  to  the  other 
side  of  the  river.  The  land  through  which  they  had  lately  tra- 
veled was  so  poor,  barren,  and  uninhabited,  that  he  was  firmly 
bent  on  exploring  the  regions  on  the  other  side.  But  the  attain- 
ment of  this  design  was  not  without  great  obstacles.  Having  con- 
sulted with  his  officers,  they  came  to  the  unanimous  resolution  of 
constructing  a  bridge  over  the  canal. 

Every  man  set  immediately  to  the  task  with  ardour,  notwith- 
standing the  dangers  which  they  clearly  saw  attended  the  under- 
taking. The  elevation  of  the  rock  was  so  great  as  to  have  chilled 
with  horror  the  hearts  of  men  less  daring  than  these  adventurers; 
but  besides  this  peril,  they  perceived  the  natives  collecting  on  the 
other  side,  and  forming  in  hostile  array  against  them.  The  Span- 
iards discharged  a  volley,  which  succeeded  in  dispersing  the 
affrighted  Indians  from  the  spot  ;  and  in  the  interval,  with  im- 
mense difficulty,  the  bridge  was  thrown  over,  without  further  loss 
than  of  one  Spaniard,  who  fell  through  dizziness,  by  rashly  look- 
ing downwards  from  such  an  immense  elevation,  as  he  was  cross- 
ing it.  This  difficulty  being  overcome,  others  soon  presented 
themselves  to  the  Spaniards;  for  they  again  encountered  imper- 
vious and  mountainous  districts,  and  the  same  sterility  that  had 
characterized  those  regions  through  which  they  lately  passed.  \n 
this  manner,  they  advanced  on  to  Guema.  a  territory,  if  possible, 
more  dreary,  barren  and  deserted,  than  the  others.  The  i'ew  na- 
tives who  roved  about  those  dismal  solitudes,  invariably  fled  into 
the  woods  on  the  approach  of  the  Spaniards.  Nothing  could  now 
exceed  in  horror  the  situation  of  the  bold  adventurers.  They  had 
literally  nothing  to  feed  upon  but  wild  roots,  and  some  fruits  pe- 
culiar to  the  climate.  The  effects  of  famine  and  exhaustion  soon 
became  mournfully  conspicuous.  Many  of  the  Spaniards,  with  a 
great  number  of  the  Indians,  full  victims  to  these  insupportable 
calamities.  .Many  of  the  troops,  also,  were  so  sickly  through  bad- 
ness of  food,  that  Gionzalo  was  obliged  to  kill  several  horses,  in 
order  to  provide  better  nourishment  for  the  enfeebled. 

Reduced  to  the  greatest  extremity,  and  totally  unable  to  support 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  Ill 

further  toils,  the  Spaniards  seemed  ready  to  sink  under  the  weight 
of  their  calamities,  when  the  voice  of  their  chief  implored  them  to 
show  themselves  worthy  of  the  Spanish  name  and  renown,  for 
that  he  himself  felt  conscious  the  termination  of  their  sufferings 
was  at  hand.  He  suggested  the  idea  of  building  a  bark,  in  which 
a  detachment  of  their  party  might  proceed  down  the  river  to  ex- 
plore the  country,  and  assist  in  procuring  provisions.  This  plan, 
though  difficult  of  attainment,  was  received  with  great  approbation ; 
and  forthwith  every  one,  from  the  commander  himself  to  the  lowest 
Indian,  set  to  work  with  enthusiasm.  They  first  built  a  sort  of 
rude  forge,  in  which,  however,  they  contrived  to  keep  alive  the  fire 
with  the  utmost  difficulty,  owing  to  the  continual  rain  with  which 
they  were  annoyed.  The  horse-shoes  supplied  the  iron  for  nails 
used  in  the  construction  of  the  brigantine  ;  and  in  like  manner 
they  applied,  with  the  greatest  ingenuity,  every  article  which  they 
possessed  or  could  procure,  to  the  promotion  of  their  scheme. 
They  also  turned  to  account  a  sort  of  gum,  which  they  found 
some  trees  to  distil  in  abundance,  and  which  served  them  in  lieu 
of  pitch,  while  tattered  blankets  and  rotten  articles  of  dress  were 
used  instead  of  flax.  They  sacrificed  everything  to  the  further- 
ance of  a  plan  which  they  conceived  to  be  the  only  means  of  bet- 
tering their  condition;  and,  cheered  by  this  prospect,  their  task 
was  carried  on  with  such  alacrity  and  industry,  that,  in  a  short 
time,  a  bark  was  finished  of  respectable  magnitude,  considering 
the  scanty  means  by  which  it  had  been  constructed.  As  no  time 
was  now  to  be  lost,  Gonzalo  Pizarro  selected  fifty  men  among  the 
most  adventurous  of  the  party  to  embark.  These  he  placed  under 
the  command  of  Francisco  de  Orellana,  his  lieutenant,  an  officer 
of  great  abilities,  and  justly  renowned  for  his  intrepidity  and  cou- 
rage. The  post  to  which  this  officer  Avas  promoted  was  so  im- 
portant, that  Gonzalo  Pizarro  conceived  no  inferior  person  should 
In'  intrusted  witli  it,  as  not  only  the  success  of  the  expedition, 
but  even  the  existence  of  the  Spaniards,  seemed  now  to  depend 
on  the  brigantine. 


112  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Treachery  of  Orellana,  and   Discovery  of  the    Maragnon — Dreadful  Calamities 
endured  by  Gonzalo  Pizarro  and  his  Companions,  and  their  Return  to  Quito. 

The  brigantine  being  completed,  Gonzalo  caused  all  the  gold 
and  other  articles  which  his  followers  possessed  to  be  placed  in  it, 
not  only  that  they  might  be  relieved  from  the  weight  and  trouble 
which  they  occasioned,  but  for  greater  safety  and  convenience. 
Every  object  of  utility  or  wealth  having  been  collected  and  thrown 
into  the  bark,  the  commander  caused  also  to  be  conveyed  into  it 
those  of  the  troops  who  were  sick,  or  so  exhausted  as  not  to  be 
able  to  continue  their  march.  Orellana  was  ordered  to  direct  at 
first  his  course  close  to  the  banks  of  the  river,  for  the  mutual  aid 
of  both  parties,  who  at  night  assembled  and  reposed  together.  In 
this  manner  they  proceeded,  for  the  space  of  two  months,  crossing 
to  either  side  of  the  river,  according  to  the  asperity  or  barrenness 
of  the  land  through  which  they  had  to  pass.  Though  the  brigan- 
tine had  been  constructed  not  only  for  the  purpose  of  affording 
relief  in  this  disastrous  excursion,  but  ultimately  to  discover  some 
more  advantageous  district,  Gonzalo  Pizarro  hitherto  thought  it 
expedient  not  to  allow  it  to  depart  from  his  command,  especially 
as  the  utility  derived  from  it  was  so  considerable;  but,  at  the  end 
of  the  time  above  mentioned,  he  conceived  that  it  would  be  mutu- 
ally beneficial  to  separate. 

The  Spaniards  having  met  with  some  natives  more  pacific  and 
more  kindly  disposed  than  those  who  generally  strayed  about  those 
dismal  and  solitary  places,  were  encouraged  to  seek  information 
by  signs,  as  the  language  which  they  spoke  was  not  understood 
by  the  Indians  who  accompanied  the  Spaniards.  On  many  occa- 
sions, indeed,  Gonzalo  had  been  misled  by  false  information;  and 
this  had  made  him  careful  of  not  trusting  too  much  to  the  intelli- 
gence conveyed  by  the  natives.  But,  on  the  present  occasion,  he 
fancied  he  discerned  such  sincerity  as  justified  his  placing  implicit 
confidence  in  them.  From  the  inquiries  he  made,  he  learned, 
that,  if  he  proceeded  in  his  march,  he  would  at  length  find  a  land 
full  of  inhabitants,  abundant  in  provisions,  and  rich  in  its  produc- 
tions. The  Indians  further  informed  him,  that  this  territory  lay 
by  the  banks  of  a  very  great  river,  into  which  flowed  the  one  down 
which  he  was  now  pursuing  his  march.     This  information  filled 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  113 

the  Spaniards  with  joy ;  and  no  hesitation  was  felt  with  regard  to 
the  course  to  be  taken. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  immediately  ordered  Francisco  de  Orellana  to 
sail  downwards,  until  he  arrived  at  the  confluence  of  the  two  rivers, 
where  he  was  to  effect  a  landing.  Having  there  chosen  a  conve- 
nient spot,  he  was  directed  to  disembark  all  the  goods  carried  in 
the  brigantine,  which  was  to  return  laden  with  provisions  to  the 
succour  of  the  Spaniards,  since  the  condition  of  the  army  was  now 
miserable  in  the  extreme.  Orellana  having  received  full  instruc- 
tions from  his  commander,  and  having  promised  faithfully  to  abide 
by  them,  ventured  into  the  middle  of  the  river,  where  the  stream 
was  extremely  rapid  and  powerful.  Abandoning  himself  to  its 
guidance,  he  darted  down  the  river  with  such  amazing  rapidity, 
that  on  the  third  day  after  he  left  his  companions,  Orellana  found 
himself  at  the  appointed  spot,  having  made,  in  this  short  space  of 
time,  nearly  a  hundred  leagues.  Upon  their  arrival,  however,  his 
party  found  their  hopes  of  a  richly  cultivated  land,  and  plentiful 
provisions,  totally  disappointed ;  and  at  this  critical  period  the  idea, 
conceived  in  treachery,  but  which  led  to  an  important  discovery, 
first  dawned  on  the  mind  of  Orellana.  This  was  the  scheme  of 
abandoning  his  commander  and  countrymen  to  their  fate,  whilst 
he  proceeded  to  make  discoveries  in  his  frail  bark. 

The  ruling  passion  of  the  Spaniards  in  that  age,  took  strong 
hold  of  this  ambitious  young  officer,  who,  now  considering  him- 
self independent,  conceived  he  might  perform  such  services,  and 
achieve  such  exploits,  as  would  not  only  render  him  deserving  of 
the  royal  approbation,  but  entitle  him  to  a  splendid  reward.  There 
are  historians,  however,*  who,  to  soften  the  irregularity  and  treach- 
ery of  Orellana's  conduct,  insinuate  that  he  was  moved  to  take 
this  step,  not  merely  by  aspiring  views  of  distinguishing  himself, 
and  pushing  his  fortunes,  but  by  considerations  of  a  different  na- 
ture. The  voyage,  which,  when  carried  along  by  the  stream,  he 
had  performed  in  three  days,  could  not  be  accomplished  in  less 
than  a  year,  by  one  sailing  against  the  current  of  so  copious  and 
so  rapid  a  river  ;  so  that  Gonzalo  Pizarro  and  his  companions  could 
in  no  manner  be  benefited  by  his  return,  even  if  he  could  carry 
the  provisions  which  they  expected,  but  which  were  not  to  be 
found.  To  await  the  arrival  of  his  companions  in  that  place,  ap- 
peared to  him  equally  useless;  and  therefore  he  boldly  proposed 
to  his  crew  to  follow  the  course  of  the  Maragnon,  until  it  lost  itself 
in  the  ocean,  and  to  explore  the  regions  through  which  that  great 

*  G.  de  la  Vega. 


114  HISTORY  OF  THE 


river  flowed.  The  proposal  was  not  received  without  evident  and 
decided  disapprobation.  Some  of  the  party. especially  a  gentleman 
of  the  name  of  Sanchez  de  Vargas,  strongly  remonstrated  against 
the  treachery  and  cruelty  of  such  conduct.  His  objections,  how- 
ever, were  soon  overruled  by  the  majority  of  the  crew,  who, 
coinciding  with  the  views  of  Orellana,  urged  him  to  pursue  his 
design,  as  they  were  willing  to  abide  by  him,  and  to  share  in  the 
perils  and  emoluments  of  the  undertaking. 

Orellana  thanked  them  for  their  readiness,  and  painted,  in 
glowing  colours,  the  splendour  and  glory  of  the  enterprise ;  and 
having  brought  over  to  his  party,  by  gifts  and  promises,  those  of 
the  soldiers  who  agreed  with  Sanchez  de  Vargas,  he  had  the  in- 
humanity to  abandon  that  faithful  Spaniard  in  a  strange  land,  lest 
that,  by  his  persuasions  he  might  seduce  the  crew  from  their 
present  resolve.  The  conduct  of  Orellana  is  certainly  liable  to 
the  strongest  censure.  He  not  only  violated  his  duty  towards  his 
commander,  but,  what  is  still  more  heinous,  he  abandoned  his 
countrymen  in  a  dreary  desert  to  their  fate,  depriving  them  of 
that  aid  which  they  expected.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  bold- 
ness, no  less  than  the  success  of  the  attempt,  effaces  much  of  the 
odium  attached  to  him  in  the  transaction  ;  and  "  his  crime  is,  in 
some  measure,  balanced  by  the  glory  of  having  ventured  upon  a 
navigation  of  near  two  thousand  leagues,  through  unknown  nations, 
in  a  vessel  hastily  constructed  with  green  timber,  and  by  very 
unskillful  hands,  without  provisions,  without  a  compass  or  a  pilot.'"" 

Orellana  and  his  companions  committed  themselves  with  daunt- 
less intrepidity  to  the  guidance  of  the  stream  of  the  Luca,  which 
bore  them  southward  until  they  arrived  at  the  channel  of  the 
Maragnon.  This  hazardous  voyage  was  attended  with  much 
danger  and  toil.  Orellana  Avas  compelled  to  make  many  descents 
on  the  banks  of  the  river  in  search  of  provisions,  on  which  occa- 
sions he  was  fiercely  assailed  by  numerous  and  warlike  enemies, 
from  whom  he  was  often  obliged  to  procure  food  by  main  force. 
In  some  places  the  women  rushed  to  the  charge  against  the  Span- 
iards,! from  which  circumstance  arose  the  fabulous  account  of 
Amazons  inhabiting  that  country.  After  a  variety  of  hardships 
and  perils,  which  Orellana  bore  with  that  unshaken  fortitude 
which  characterized  the  conquerors  of  the  New  World,  he  at  length 
reached  the  ocean  on  the  26th  of  August,  1541,  having  spent 
above  seven  months  in  accomplishing  his  voyage. i 

To  repair  instantly  to  the  nearest  Spanish  settlement,  was  the 

*  Robertson.  t  G.  de  la  Vega.  |  Herrera. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  115 

first  object  of  Orellana;  and  after  having  been  exposed  to  fresh 
distress  from  the  danger  of  shipwreck,  he  arrived  at  Trinidad, 
where  he  procured  a  competent  vessel,  in  which,  attended  by 
many  of  his  adventurous  companions,  he  set  sail  for  Spain. 
When  he  arrived  in  that  country,  vanity  as  well  as  policy  in- 
duced him  to  give  the  most  exaggerated  accounts  of  the  regions 
which  he  had  discovered.  He  scrupled  not  to  venture  upon  the 
most  marvelous  descriptions;  and  he  lavished  all  the  colouring 
of  extravagant  romance  on  the  recital  of  his  voyage.  He  even 
pretended  that  he  had  visited  nations  possessed  of  gold  and  silver 
in  such  quantities,  that  these  valuable  metals  were  applied  to  the 
most  menial  and  mechanical  purposes.  To  this  he  added  an  in- 
genious account  of  a  community  of  women,  fierce  and  Avarlike, 
of  gigantic  strength,  and  ruling  over  a  vast  tract  of  territory. 
These  falsehoods  gave  rise  to  the  fables  concerning  El  Dorado, 
where  the  streets  were  paved  with  gold,  and  a  republic  of  Ama- 
zons, who  would  not  suffer  a  male  amongst  them,  but  performed 
themselves  every  service  in  peace  and  war.  The  natural  pro- 
pensity of  man  towards  the  wonderful,  seconded  the  statements 
of  Orellana  ;  and  though  there  were  many  who  would  not  admit 
the  possibility  of  his  narratives,  the  majority,  if  not  thoroughly 
converted  to  his  assertions,  were  still  stanch  believers  in  a  great 
portion  of  them. 

The  voyage,  indeed,  even  when  entirely  stripped  of  the  gra- 
tuitous embellishment  supplied  by  Orellana,  retains  enough  of  the 
extraordinary  to  excite  surprise  and  admiration,  and  deserves  to 
be  ranked  among  the  most  memorable  enterprises  of  that  period. 
It  led,  besides,  to  the  acquisition  of  true  knowledge  regarding  the 
vast  regions  extending  to  the  cast,  from  the  Andes  to  the  ocean.* 
Orellana  was  accordingly  most  favourably  received  by  the  Spanish 
court;  and  the  request  which  he  made  to  be  appointed  governor 
of  the  newly-discovered  countries,  was  readily  granted.  With 
great  ardour,  therefore,  be  began  to  make  preparations  equal  to  the 
magnitude  of  the  enterprise  in  which  he  was  about  to  embark. 
He  enlisted  many  adventurers  from  the  fame  of  the  wealth  of 
those  territories,  as  the  ^•ora'eous  descriptions  with  which  the  dis- 
coverers had  invested  them,  had  fired  the  imaginations  of  the 
Spaniards  to  a  surprising  decree.  In  a  short  time  ( )rellana  found 
himself  at  the  head  of  five  hundred  gallant  followers,  all  well 
equipped,  and  all  equally  ardent  for  the  enterprise.  This  body 
he  embarked  at  St.    Lucar;  but  before  Orellana.  could  carry  his 

*   Gomara. — llerrora. — G.  de  la  Yc'ra. 


116  HISTORY  OF  THE 

great  plans  into  execution  he  was  surprised  by  death,  and  his 
followers  gradually  dispersed. 

Meantime,  Gonzalo  and  his  companions,  totally  unaware  of  the 
treachery  of  Orellana,  had  continued  their  march  until  they  ar- 
rived at  the  confluence  of  the  Luca  and  Maragnon.  As  the  bark 
had  not  been  seen  before,  (ionzalo  naturally  concluded  that  it 
awaited  his  arrival  at  the  appointed  place.  His  astonishment  was, 
therefore,  not  a  little  excited,  when,  upon  arriving  at  the  spot,  he 
found  it  missing.  The  idea  of  Orellana's  dereliction  never  once 
entered  his  mind;  he  had  too  high  an  opinion  of  that  officer's  cha- 
racter to  harbour  suspicions  against  him;  and  he  accordingly  im- 
puted this  occurrence  to  other  causes.  He  concluded  either  that 
some  accident  had  happened  to  the  unfortunate  crew,  or  that  some 
unforeseen  occurrence  had  obliged  them  to  be  absent  from  the  place 
of  meeting.  Under  this  persuasion,  and  in  the  greatest  consterna- 
tion at  the  prospect  of  fresh  calamity,  he  determined  to  continue 
his  march  along  the  banks  of  the  Maragnon,  expecting  every 
moment  to  rejoin  his  countrymen;  but  his  hopes  were  miserably 
deluded.  At  last  he  met  Sanchez  de  Vargas,  the  gallant  officer 
who  had  been  the  victim  of  his  duty  and  of  his  humanity,  wan- 
dering about  these  dreary  tracts;  and  from  him  he  learnt  the 
extent  of  Orellana's  treachery.  The  intelligence  burst  like  a 
thunderbolt  upon  the  forlorn  and  suffering  Spaniards.  Nothing 
seemed  now  left  but  utter  wretchedness  and  despair.  The  brigan- 
tine,  in  which  all  their  hopes  were  centered,  thus  lost,  they  con- 
ceived that  death  alone  could  alleviate  the  horrors  they  were  ob- 
liged continually  to  endure.  Some  of  them  threw  themselves 
down  with  all  the  indifference  of  despair  ;  others  cried  aloud,  in 
a  melancholy  tone,  to  be  led  back  to  Quito;  and  all  fixed  their 
sorrowful  eyes  on  their  commander,  as  if  appealing  to  him  for 
remedy  in  such  prolonged  and  dreadful  calamities. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  behaved  on  this  trying  occasion  with  a  magna- 
nimity and  prudence  worthy  of  the  highest  praise.  Though  sensi- 
bly alive  to  the  hopelessness  of  his  situation,  he  betrayed  no  symp- 
toms of  complaint  or  despondency;  and,  while  he  was  inwardly 
conscious  that  new  disasters  awaited  him,  he  forgot  the  fears  of 
the  man  in  the  duties  of  the  commander.  He  harangued  his  sol- 
diers in  a  bold  and  impassioned  manner,  painting  to  them,  in  the 
most  brilliant  colours,  the  renown  which  the  recital  of  their  ar- 
duous expedition,  and  of  the  horrible  troubles  with  which  it  had 
been  accompanied,  would  acquire  for  them,  wherever  it  might  be 
heard.  He  signified  his  readiness  to  lead  them  back  to  Quito; 
but,  as  they  were  now  about  twelve  hundred  miles  from  that  place, 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  117 


the  march  could  not  be  accomplished  without  undergoing  a  repe- 
tition of  the  disasters  already  endured,  or  encountering,  perhaps, 
others  still  more  insupportable.  It  was,  therefore,  indispensable 
that  they  should  collect  all  their  energies,  to  enable  them  to  un- 
dergo the  severity  of  the  march;  and,  instead  of  sinking  beneath 
the  heavy  burden,  to  struggle  desperately  with  misfortune,  that, 
on  joining  their  countrymen,  their  glory  might  be  commensurate 
with  the  calamities  undergone.  The  soldiers  listened  with  defer- 
ence to  the  advice  and  remonstrances  of  a  commander  in  whom 
they  had  been  taught  to  rely  with  unbounded  confidence.  Ex- 
perience had  shown  them  that  Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  superior  to 
them  all  in  the  virtues  of  courage,  fortitude,  and  perseverance. 
They  had  seen  him  also  cheerfully  lend  his  hand  to  the  most 
menial  labours,  and,  forgetting  his  dignity  as  commander,  aid  the 
efforts  of  his  meanest  followers.  If  the  character  of  a  leader  is 
distinguishable  by  any  outward  sign,  it  is  by  the  possessor  of  that 
honour  subjecting  himself  to  greater  anxiety,  undergoing  superior 
labour,  and  submitting  with  more  resignation  to  the  severity  of 
the  common  fate.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  Gonzalo 
Pizarro  should  have  possessed  such  ascendency  over  the  minds  of 
his  followers,  and  that  the}*  should  subscribe  to  his  counsels  with 
such  singular  deference  and  submission. 

To  retrace  their  steps  to  Quito,  was  now  the  sole  object  of  the 
wretched  Spaniards.  But  it  required  no  small  share  of  fortitude 
and  magnanimity  to  contemplate  tin.'  prospect  of  such  wretched- 
ness as  was  continually  to  accompany  their  disastrous  retreat.  It 
was  not  merely  a  renewal  of  past  troubles  and  pains  that  they 
were  now  to  expect,  but  a  fearful  aggravation  of  all  the  hardships, 
by  which  their  former  progress  had  been  marked.  Severe  as  their 
privations  had  been  in  their  former  march,  the  toils  attendant  on  it 
were  considerably  reduced  and  softened  down  by  the  cheering 
rays  of  hope.  Besides,  every  fresh  calamity  could  then  be  better 
supported,  as  the  constitutions  of  the  Spaniards  were  not  so  much 
broken,  nor  their  minds  harassed  by  such  utter  despondency. 
But  now,  the  case  was  mournfully  different.  Reduced  in  num- 
bers, wasted  by  sickness,  exhausted  by  fatigue,  and  dispirited  by 
mental  suffering,  the  Spaniards  were  compelled  to  meet  their  hard- 
ships without  the  same  resources  as  heretofore.  Nothing  that  the 
Spaniards  had  hitherto  endured  in  America,  could  he  compared 
with  the  trials  that  assailed  Gonzalo  Pizarro  and  his  companions, 
in  retracing  their  steps  to  Quito.  The  mind  is  impressed  with  a 
feeling  ol  horror,  while  dwelling  on  the  frightful  particulars  of 
'heir  disastrous  progress,  and  of  wonder,  while  contemplating  the 


US  HISTORY  OF  THE 


fortitude  with  which  calamity  of  every  kind  was  borne.  Famine 
reduced  them  to  the  horrid  necessity  not  only  of  feeding  upon  wild 
and  unwholesome  roots,  but  of  devouring  with  greediness  the  most 
loathsome  and  disgusting  reptiles.  Snakes,  toads,  worms,  every 
living  object  however  disgusting,  was  seized  upon  to  satisfy  the 
cravings  of  hunger.  All  the  horses  and  dogs  attached  to  the  ex- 
pedition had  already  been  consumed  ;  and  in  the  last  extremity, 
some  wretches  contrived  to  gnaw  the  saddles  and  belts  as  means 
of  subsistence.  To  the  horrors  of  famine  were  superadded  others 
of  equal  magnitude.  Diseases  of  the  most  awful  description  preyed 
acutely  on  frames  already  reduced  by  a  combination  of  sufferings. 
A  great  mortality  prevailed  ;  and  on  the  death  of  every  unfortunate 
companion,  the  wretched  survivors  shuddered  to  consider  that  he 
himself  might  soon  be  left  a  breathless  corpse  in  those  dreary  re- 
gions. Exhaustion  from  fatigue,  added  to  sickness  and  debility, 
often  compelled  them  to  lie  down  for  a  time,  unable  to  proceed,  as 
they  were  in  many  instances  obliged  to  force  their  way  through 
trackless  mountains.  By  these  combined  miseries,  the  number  of 
men  originally  composing  the  expedition  was  dreadfully  reduced. 
Out  of  four  thousand  Indians,  above  two  thousand  perished  in  this 
wild  and  horrible  undertaking,  and  great  numbers  of  the  survivors 
dispersed  themselves  about  the  country,  unable  to  continue  the 
inarch,  so  that  a  very  limited  portion  of  them  returned  safe  to 
Quito.  The  fate  of  the  Spaniards  was  equally  appalling.  The 
expedition  headed  by  Gonzalo  Pizarro  amounted,  when  it  set  out, 
to  nearly  three  hundred  and  fifty  men.  Of  these,  deducting  the 
fifty  that  accompanied  Orellana,  only  eighty  remained  alive  at 
their  return  ;  so  that  two  hundred  and  ten  Spaniards  perished  in 
this  frightful  expedition,  which  lasted  nearly  two  years.  The 
survivors,  on  their  arrival  at  Quito,  presented  such  a  fearful  spec- 
tacle as  to  excite  the  wonder  and  compassion  of  their  countrymen, 
who  had  some  difficulty  in  recognizing  the  uncouth  beings  that 
presented  themselves.  They  were  completely  naked.  Their 
shaggy  beards  had  grown  out  of  all  dimensions,  and  they  were 
disgustingly  loathsome.  Worn  out  with  fatigue  and  famine,  their 
emaciated  frames  and  ghastly  visages  offered  the  semblance  rather 
of  lurid  spectres  than  of  human  creatures." 

Such  were  the  progress  and  termination  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro's 
expedition.  Buc  on  the  return  of  that  hardy  soldier  to  Quito,  he 
soon  found  that,  instead  of  the  repose  which  his  recent  hardships 
demanded,  circumstances  compelled  him  to  enter  upon  new  perils, 
troubles  and  difficulties. 


Zarate. — Herrera. — G.  de  la  Vega. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  119 


CHAPTER  X. 

Insurrection  of  the  Almagrians — Conspiracy  against  Francisco  Pizarro,  and  his 

Death." 

The  flame  of  civil  discord,  which,  on  the  death  of  Almagro, 
seemed  for  ever  extinguished,  was  now  on  the  point  of  blazing 
afresh  with  more  fierceness  than  ever.  The  Governor,  since  the 
time  of  his  triumph  over  Almagro,  considering  himself  secure  in 
the  enjoyment  of  unlimited  power,  had  neglected  those  means 
which  were  indispensable  to  ensure  permanent  tranquillity  in  a 
country  so  lately  convulsed  with  the  storms  of  civil  war.  Pizarro 
knew  that  he  could  never  expect  sincerity  or  fealty  from  the  ad- 
herents of  his  deceased  rival;  and  the  conduct  which  he  adopted 
was  calculated  to  produce  the  worst  effects.  Instead  of  separating 
all  those  of  the  Almagrian  party  whom  no  persuasion  could  ever 
win  nor  bribe  corrupt,  he  allowed  them,  after  a  few  months,  to 
assemble  at  Lima,  in  the  house  of  young  Almagro.  Either  too 
conlident  of  his  own  strength,  or  despising  that  of  his  enemies, 
Pizarro  supplied,  by  his  indifference,  the  first  materials  towards 
the  preparation  of  that  mine,  which,  by  its  explosion,  was  to  in- 
volve him  in  destruction. 

The  impolicy  of  the  Governor  had,  besides,  been  evinced  in 
the  partial  distribution  which  he  had  made  of  the  various  conquests 
in  Peru,  as  well  as  of  the  wealth  which  accrued  from  them.  The 
Almagrians,  finding  themselves  excluded  from  a  participation  of 
those  emoluments,  towards  the  acquisition  of  which  they  had  so 
materially  contributed,  naturallv  conceived  that  they  were  pro- 
scribed by  the  conquering  party;  and  they  felt  that  neither  friend- 
ship nor  forgetfulness  could  be  expected  from  the  men  of  whom 
it  was  composed.  .Many  of  them,  accordingly,  repaired  to  Lima, 
where  they  experienced  a  most  cordial  reception  from  young  Al- 
magro, who  generously  opened  his  door  to  them,  and  afforded  them 
all  the  assistance  and  comfort  in  his  power.  Such  proofs  of  grati- 
tude ami  kindness  naturally  awoke  corresponding  feelings  in  the 
hearts  of  the  unfortunate  veterans;  and  the  image  of  the  late  Al- 
magro which  dwelt  in  their  hearts,  strengthened  a  growing  par- 
tiality towards  the  son,  which  soon  ripened  into  a  devoted  attach- 
ment and  a  resolution  of  making  some  bold  attempt  to  reinstate 
him  in  power. 


120  HISTORY  OF  THE 


The  young  Almagro  was  formed  at  once  to  please  and  to  com- 
mand. Graceful  in  his  person,  of  kind  and  persuasive  manners, 
frank  in  disposition,  and  endowed  with  the  military  virtues  which 
shone  in  his  father,  he  seemed  to  offer  an  efficient  rallying  point 
to  the  friends  of  that  veteran.  Besides,  the  elder  Almagro  had 
felt,  from  the  experience  of  his  own  eventful  life,  the  disadvantages 
that  proceed  from  the  Avant  of  education,  and  had  therefore  been 
doubly  careful  in  providing  against  such  a  deficiency  falling  to  the 
lot  of  his  son.  The  latter  had  been  trained  from  early  infancy, 
not  only  in  the  requisites  of  a  good  soldier,  but  in  all  the  accom- 
lishments  of  a  gentleman.  By  this  means,  young  Almagro,  when 
he  arrived  at  that  age  when  his  natural  powers,  as  well  as  the 
cultivation  bestowed  upon  them,  could  be  brought  into  exercise, 
showed  himself  so  superior  to  the  general  cast  of  ignorant  adven- 
turers and  rough  soldiers  that  flocked  to  the  New  World,  as  to 
command  admiration  and  respect.  The  Governor  perceived  the 
daily  importance  which  young  Almagro  was  acquiring;  but,  lulled 
in  fancied  security,  he  neglected  those  efficient  measures  which 
were  necessary  to  check  the  growing  evil.  He  contented  himself 
with  offering  service  and  emoluments  to  several  of  the  Almagrians  ; 
but  the  latter,  already  confirmed  in  their  determination,  rejected 
every  testimony  of  kindness  offered  by  their  old  enemy,  expecting, 
by  this  means,  to  be  freed  from  every  tie  of  gratitude,  as  well  as 
to  be  better  disposed  for  the  prosecution  of  their  plans. 

The  most  active  of  the  Almagrians,  as  well  as  the  most  redoubta- 
ble foe  to  Pizarro,  was  Juan  de  Herrada,  a  man  of  considerable 
importance  among  the  Spaniards,  and  one  who  had  enjoyed  the 
intimate  friendship  and  confidence  of  Almagro.  These  considera- 
tions had  bound  him  so  strictly  to  the  interest  of  the  son,  that 
he  had  not  only  been  assiduous  in  procuring  for  young  Almagro 
every  advantage  that  might  tend  to  improve  his  mind, and  render 
him  worthy  of  a  high  destiny,  but  was  augmenting  his  hand  of 
partisans  by  unremitting  exertions.  Possessing  superior  abilities, 
and  enjoying  great  favour  and  respect  amongst  his  countrymen, 
his  endeavours  were  crowned  with  full  success;  and  the  number 
of  Almagrians  collected  at  Lima  soon  increased  to  a  degree  that 
might  well  alarm  the  imagination  of  a  person  less  suspicious  than 
the  Governor.  But  Pizarro,  though  Herrada  was  represented  to 
him  as  a  dangerous  man,  and  though  he  was  well  acquainted  with 
the  strong  ties  which  had  hound  him  to  his  dead  rival,  from  an 
infatuated  confidence  in  his  own  power,  totally  disregarded  the  in- 
sinuations of  his  friends,  and  paved  the  way  to  his  own  destruction. 
Affairs,  however,  at  last  began  to  assume  so  threatening  an  aspect, 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  121 


that  the  eyes  of  Pizarro  were  partially  opened  to  the  danger.  By 
advice  of  his  councilors,  he  now  performed  an  act  of  violence, 
which,  instead  of  producing  salutary  effects,  served  only  to  increase 
the  desire  of  the  Almagrians  for  vengeance,  and  stimulate  them 
to  more  persevering  and  ardent  exertions.  He  deprived  young 
Almagro  of  his  proportion  of  Indians,  who,  as  they  performed  all 
kind  of  service,  were  accounted,  together  with  the  lands,  the  chief 
source  of  wealth.  The  Governor  conceived,  that,  by  thus  reducing 
the  means  of  their  chief,  the  indigent  members  of  the  party  would 
be  compelled  to  leave  Lima,  and  disperse  through  the  country  in 
search  of  subsistence.  In  this  he  was  greatly  disappointed.  The 
Almagrians,  far  from  quitting  the  city,  preferred  undergoing  the 
most  mortifying  destitution,  in  the  hopes  of  soon  being  able  to  bet- 
ter their  condition,  and  take  ample  vengeance  on  their  oppressor. 
From  that  moment,  redoubled  exertions  were  made  to  forward  the 
plot  for  an  insurrection  ;  letters  and  invitations  were  sent  to  different 
parts  of  the  country,  pressing  all  the  adherents  of  Almagro  to  re- 
pair to  Lima  without  delay.  These  invitations  were  not  disre- 
garded ;  and,  in  a  short  time,  above  two  hundred  Almagrians  were 
assembled  within  the  city  walls. 

In  the  number  of  those  who  now  joined  the  cause  of  young 
Almagro,  there  were  many  of  those  pernicious  characters,  those 
reckless  and  unprincipled  adventurers,  who,  in  the  game  of  life, 
are  ever  ready  to  play  desperate  stakes  ; — men  without  principle 
or  acknowledged  way  of  living,  dissipated  gamblers,  poor,  indi- 
gent, and  desperate  characters,  who  always  seize  with  eagerness, 
the  opportunity  of  a  disturbance  or  a  conspiracy,  as  the  means  of 
improving  their  fallen  fortunes.  Such  men,  who  are  unfortunately 
an  invariable  ingredient  in  the  formation  of  revolutions,  while 
they  tend  to  throw  discredit  on  the  undertakings  in  which  they 
engage,  are  nevertheless  of  essential  service,  from  their  readiness 
and  aptitude  for  bold  and  desperate  acts.  The  manner  of  living 
of  the  Almagrians  indicated  the  extent  of  their  poverty: — they 
used  to  collect  what  they  had  gained  at  play,  or  gathered  brother 
means,  and  place  it  into  the  hands  of  lierrada.  thus  living  by  a 
sort  of  public  subscription.  They  herded  like  the  most  miserable 
wretches  ;  so  much  so,  that,  among  seven  comrades  who  lived  in 
a  miserable  hovel,  there  was  only  one  cloak,  which  was  alter- 
nately worn  by  each  of  them  when  he  went  abroad.'-  By  de- 
grees their  insolence,  instigated  at  once  by  indigence  and  by  irri- 
tated feelings,  grew  to  such   a  height,  that  they  scrupled   net  to 

*  Zarate. — G.  dc  la  V'cira. 


122  HISTORY  OF  THE 


exhibit  a  sort  of  morose  contempt  for  the  Governor,  notwithstand- 
ing- the  terror  which  the  severity  of  his  disposition  was  calculated 
to  excite.  In  some  instances,  they  actually  passed  him.  without 
any  of  those  tokens  which  common  politeness  requires,  and  which 
were  due  to  Pizarro  in  virtue  of  his  dignity. 

But  the  temerity  of  the  Almagrians,  and  their  contempt  of  pun- 
ishment, were  nowhere  more  conspicuously  displayed,  than  in  an 
act  which  they  shortly  afterwards  performed,  and  which  gave 
to  the  friends  of  the  governor  serious  cause  of  alarm.  One  morn- 
ing, three  gibbets  were  seen  in  the  principal  square  of  the  city, 
respectively  in  the  direction  of  the  residences  of  Pizarro,  Picado, 
his  secretary,  and  Velazquez,  the  alcalde.  This  seditious  act 
prompted  many  individuals  to  urge  the  Governor  to  institute  in- 
quiries against  the  aggressors  ;  but  Pizarro,  with  a  fatal  blindness, 
refused  to  follow  this  advice.  He  alleged,  that  these  were  puny 
ebullitions  of  impotent  rage,  and  that  allowances  were  to  be  made 
for  the  irritation  and  disappointments  of  men  who  had  been  de- 
feated, and  were  now  in  disgrace.  This  extreme  apathy  further 
emboldened  the  Almagrians  ;  and  to  try  how  far  they  might  rely 
on  the  blind  tranquillity  of  their  foe,  they  had  recourse  to  strata- 
gem. Juan  de  Herrada,  the  head  of  the  conspiracy,  went  to  pay 
his  respects  to  the  governor,  who  received  him  with  affability,  and 
even  offered  him  some  oranges,  which,  in  that  place  and  at  that 
season,  were  considered  a  delicacy.  Herrada  kissed  the  hands 
of  Pizarro,  and  returned  to  his  friends.  The  account  which  he 
gave  of  his  visit,  was  such  as  to  gratify  the  anxious  hopes  of  the 
conspirators.  Several  secret  meetings  were  held,  where,  after 
various  discussions,  it  was  unanimously  resolved  that  the  Governor 
should  be  assassinated.  The  conspirators  were,  indeed,  the  more 
tempted  to  the  commission  of  this  criminal  act,  by  the  utter  dis- 
regard which  Francis  Pizarro  invariably  manifested  in  providing 
for  his  personal  safety.* 

The  Governor  went  generally  unattended,  except  by  a  single 
page,  or  one  or  two  friends  at  most.  This  affectation,  in  a  person 
of  his  station,  arose  perhaps  from  that  intrepidity  of  temper,  which 
on  all  occasions  induced  him  to  treat  every  kind  of  danger  with 
contempt.  It  was  his  intention,  perhaps,  to  show  the  malcon- 
tents the  little  cause  for  alarm  which  they  afforded.  Being  urged 
by  some  of  his  adherents  to  be  more  careful  of  his  life,  and  to  tro 
always  accompanied  by  a  suitable  escort,  he  answered,  with  that 
fearless  courage  which  was  natural  to  him,  that  as  he  was  in  daily 

*  G.  de  la  Vega. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  123 

expectation  of  the  arrival  of  Vaca  de  Castro,  the  judge  appointed 
by  the  Spanish  court  to  inquire  into  the  affairs  of  Peru,  it  would 
seem  as  if  he  were  in  dread  of  de  Castro's  power,  if  he  altered 
his  conduct  or  deportment  from  what  it  had  hitherto  been.  Things 
continued  in  this  state  for  some  time  ;  the  Almagrians  equally 
successful  in  carrying  on  their  machinations  with  impunity,  as 
their  intended  victim  was  steady  in  treating  their  cabals  with 
contempt.  On  one  occasion,  being  informed  of  some  act  which 
clearly  evinced  that  the  intention  of  the  Almagrians  was  to  de 
prive  him  of  life  as  soon  as  a  fit  opportunity  should  offer,  he  con- 
tented himself  with  remarking,  "  My  good  friend,  be  under  no 
apprehension  for  the  safety  of  my  life.  As  long  as  every  man  in 
Peru  is  convinced  that  I  can  in  a  moment  cut  off  his  head,  he 
will  be  careful  in  not.  foolishly  attempting  aught  against  mine." 

An  event  now  took  place  which  served  to  precipitate  the  crisis. 
Antonio  Picado,  the  Governor's  secretary,  vexed  at  the  insolence 
which  the  Almagrians  had  evinced  in  placing  the  three  gibbets 
in  the  public  market,  and  equally  annoyed  that  Pizarro,  contrary 
to  his  advice,  should  have  taken  no  notice  of  the  aflair,  took  upon 
himself  the  task  of  testifying  contempt,  and  offering  insult  to 
the  disaffected  party.  lie  accordingly  placed  a  superb  medal  of 
gold  on  his  hat,  with  a  label,  on  which  was  written,  "For  the  men 
of  Chili," — such  being  the  name  by  which  the  Almagrians  were 
known.  This  act,  which  was  meant  to  show  derision  of  the 
poverty  of  that  party,  failed  not  to  increase  the  spirit  of  indigna- 
tion and  revenge  by  which  all  the  members  were  actuated.  It 
was  accordingly  resolved,  that  Pizarro  and  his  creatures  should 
be  sacrificed  without  further  delay,  and  young  Almagro  invested 
with  the  government  of  Peru.  A  day  was  appointed  for  the 
commission  of  the  deed,  the  manner  agreed  upon,  and  an  inviola- 
ble' oath  taken  by  the  conspirators  to  remain  faithful  and  stanch 
to  their  resolves  at  the  risk  of  their  lives.  Juan  de  Herrada,  chief 
of  the  conspiracy,  then  selected  Martin  Bilbao,  Diego  Mendez, 
Sosa,  and  other  desperate  associates,  to  take  the  more  dangerous 
part  in  the  transaction.' 

Though,  in  this  last  meeting,  and  on  coming  to  this  resolution, 
the  conspirators  had  displayed  a  caution  very  different  from  their 
former  line  of  conduct,  yet  the  horrid  plan  was  not  so  secret  as 
not  to  come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Governor  in  due  time.  lie 
was  secretly  informed  by  a  priest  of  the  danger  which  threatened 
his    life;    and,   though   no   positive    intelligence    was   given   with 

f  Goniara, — G.  dc  la  Vega. 


124  HISTORY  OF  THE 


regard  to  the  manner  of  the  sacrifice,  yet  several  hints  were 
afforded  to  guide  the  judgment  of  Pizarro,  and  make  him  provide 
for  his  safety. 

He  held  a  consultation  with  his  nearest  friends;  but  they  did 
riot  seem  to  attach  sufficient  importance  to  the  affair.  As  the 
Almagrians  had  so  long  delayed  in  coming  to  a  rupture,  those 
very  persons  who  had  been  formerly  alarmed  by  their  audacity 
and  insolence,  were  now  accustomed  to  regard  them  with  con- 
tempt, and  to  sleep  in  pernicious  security.  Strange  to  say,  the 
mind  of  Pizarro  had  undergone  a  material  change.  He  suddenly 
awoke  from  that  apathy  which  had  led  to  the  present  critical  pos- 
ture of  affairs,  and  resolved  to  be  as  cautious  as  he  had  been 
hitherto  imprudent.  On  the  festival  of  St.  John,  June,  1541,  con- 
trary to  all  expectations,  he  abstained  from  attending  at  mass — a 
circumstance  which  astonished  ever)'  one,  as  the  Governor  had 
been  assiduous  in  the  discharge  of  his  devotional  duties,  unless 
prevented  by  some  event  of  importance.  Divers  speculations 
were  set  afloat;  and  the  conspirators,  suspecting  that  he  had  re- 
ceived due  intelligence  of  the  plot  in  contemplation,  began  to  be  ap- 
prehensive for  its  success.  They  resolved,  however,  to  wait  till  next 
Sunday,  when,  in  case  their  hopes  should  be  again  disappointed, 
they  were  to  attempt  the  commission  of  the  deed  openly,  as  they 
conceived  they  endangered,  by  delay,  the  success  of  their  design. 
Sunday  arrived — the  conspirators  were  on  the  alert — and  again  the 
Governor  was  absent  from  church.  He  had  pleaded  indisposition; 
but  the  Almagrians,  better  acquainted  with  the  real  motives  of  his 
absence,  now  conceived  the  moment  arrived  for  their  desperate 
attempt ;  and,  with  equal  alacrity  and  resolution,  they  disposed 
themselves  for  carrying  it  into  immediate  effect. 

Everything  being  prepared.  Juan  de  Herrada  selected  about 
eighteen  of  the  most  determined  conspirators  to  perpetrate  the 
horrid  deed  ;  and  on  that  day,  Sunday,  the  2Gth  of  June,  at  the 
hour  of  noon,  which  is  devoted  in  hot  climates  to  the  purposes  of 
eating  and  repose,  they  sallied  from  the  place  of  meeting,  and 
with  drawn  swords,  ran  furiously  towards  the  Governor's  palace, 
fillinrr  the  air  with  loud  cries  of  vengeance.  "  Lono;  live  the 
king! — Perish  the  tyrant  Pizarro!"  and  similar  exclamations  were 
fearfully  vociferated;  and  the  dismal  clamour  served  as  a  signal 
for  the  rest  of  the  conspirators  to  hold  themselves  ready  in  arms 
at  the  different  stations  assigned  them.  Pizarro  had  just  risen 
from  table,  and  was  in  friendly  converse  with  some  of  his  principal 
adherents,  when  he  was  startled  by  these  alarming  sounds.  Pre- 
sently some  Indians   came    running  into  the  apartment,   in   the 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  125 

greatest  terror  and  dismay,  and  related  to  the  Governor  that  a 
crowd  of  armed  men  were  advancing  towards  the  palace  with 
hostile  intentions.  Pizarro  heard  this  intelligence  without  evinc- 
ing the  least  symptoms  of  fear  or  confusion.  Though  aware  of 
his  imminent  danger,  his  haughty  and  resolute  mind  appeared  as 
collected  as  if  he  were  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  army,  and  be- 
yond the  power  of  his  enemies.  He  called  for  his  arms  without 
the  least  emotion;  and,  hearing  the  conspirators  already  at  the 
outer  door,  ordered  Francisco  de  Chaves,  one  of  his  principal 
captains,  to  go  and  secure  it. 

In  the  confusion  of  the  moment,  and  perhaps  supposing  that 
the  clamour  originated  in  some  quarrel,  and  that  the  conspira- 
tors could  not  contemplate  so  horrid  an  act  as  the  murder  of 
the  Governor,  Chaves,  instead  of  obeying,  stood  on  the  top  of 
the  staircase,  and,  in  an  imperious  tone  of  voice,  demanded  what 
they  wanted,  and  what  they  meant  by  their  disorderly  con- 
duct. Instead  of  an  answer  he  received  a  blow  from  the  fore- 
most of  the  conspirators,  and,  before  he  had  time  to  provide 
for  his  defence,  the  rest  of  the  party  fell  upon  him,  and  dis- 
patched him  in  a  moment.  The  greatest  confusion  now  pre- 
vailed in  the  palace.  Many  of  the  domestics,  considering  every- 
thing lost,  threw  themselves  out  at  the  windows;  others  hurried 
to  places  of  concealment ;  and  Pizarro  was  left,  with  his  half- 
brother,  Francisco  de  Alcantara,  and  a  few  devoted  friends,  to 
meet  his  doom.  The  Governor,  nothing  daunted  by  his  fright- 
ful situation,  and  resolved  to  make  a  desperate  defence,  fiercely 
grasped  his  sword,  and  placed  himself,  supported  by  his  brother, 
at  the  entrance  of  the  apartment.  The  conspirators  rushed  for- 
ward, with  an  overwhelming  and  irresistible  force,  and  a  fearful 
conflict  began  between  the  two  parties.  Though  the  combat  was 
so  immeasurably  unequal,  it  was  carried  on  with  astonishing  reso- 
lution and  animosity  by  the  friends  of  the  Governor.  Pizarro 
himself  behaved  in  a  gallant  manner,  and  worthy  of  a  better  fate. 
Fired  with  rage  and  indignation,  he  constantly  cried  out,  "  Courage, 
my  good  friends,  courage  !  despite  of  such  unequal  numbers,  we 
shall  yet  make  these  traitors  and  rebels  repent  of  their  treachery." 

The  door  was  resolutely  defended  for  some  time.  The  con- 
spirators were  protected  by  their  armour,  while  Pizarro  and  his 
party,  thus  unexpectedly  surprised,  had  not  been  able  to  provide 
a  similar  defence.  At  length  Alcantara  fell  dead  at  his  brother's 
feet;  and  although  his  place  was  immediately  occupied  by  an- 
other, Pizarro  was  compelled  to  retreat  into  the  apartment.  Here 
he  continued  to  defend  himself,  though  he  perceived  that  almost 
all  his  friends  were  stretched  on  the  ground,  either  dead  or  mor- 


126  HISTORY  OF  THE 


tally  wounded.  At  last  he  remained  alone,  and  was  immediately 
surrounded  by  his  enemies,  who  rushed  upon  him  with  ruthless 
animosity.  Human  power  could  withstand  no  longer.  Over- 
whelmed by  fatigue,  panting  through  loss  of  blood,  the  dauntless 
Pizarro  fell,  covered  with  wounds,  and  in  a  few  seconds  expired. 

A  shout  of  barbarous  exultation  proclaimed  the  fate  of  the 
Governor,  and  new  crowds  flocked  to  the  palace.  This  was  im- 
mediately given  up  to  be  plundered,  as  were  the  houses  of  his 
principal  adherents.  Not  a  particle  of  the  great  wealth  which 
those  places  contained  was  left  in  them.  Indeed,  nothing  remained 
todefraythe  expenses  of  the  Governor's  burial;  and  the  bodyof  that 
man,  who  had  so  lately  been  considered  little  less  than  a  powerful 
and  wealthy  prince,  was  now  literally  dragged  to  the  church  by 
some  black  slaves,  no  other  person  of  any  note  daring  to  compromise 
themselves,  by  showing  the  least  regard  to  the  deceased.  At 
length,  one  of  his  domestics  named  Barbaran,  with  the  assistance 
of  his  wife,  consigned  Pizarro  and  Alcantara  to  the  earth  in  a  hasty 
manner,  being  informed  that  some  of  the  other  party  had  it  in 
contemplation  to  cut  off  the  head  of  the  Governor,  and  place  it  on 
a  gibbet.* 

Such  was  the  tragical  end  of  Don  Francisco  Pizarro.  He 
expired  in  the  sixty-fifth  year  of  his  age.  His  death  was  in  ac- 
cordance with  his  tempestuous  life:  and  in  his  last  moments,  he 
afforded  a  striking  display  of  those  qualities  for  which  he  had 
been  so  eminently  distinguished.  In  contemplating  the  various 
deeds  of  his  eventful  life,  the  mind  is  at  once  astonished  and  hor- 
rified. He  was  cruel  and  vindictive:  but  yet  the  vices  of  his 
character  are  often  lost  sight  of  in  the  splendour  of  some  of  his 
virtues.  Few  men,  perhaps  none,  have  rendered  greater  services 
to  their  country.  He  was  indefatigable  in  his  pursuits — patient 
under  the  most  overwhelming  calamities — and  proof  against  every 
kind  of  danger  and  suffering.  Pizarro  took  a  prominent  part  in 
almost  all  the  important  enterprises  in  America.  He  was  the 
companion  of  Nunez  de  Balboa  and  of  Hernan  Cortes;  and.  after 
having  served  witli  distinction  under  the  most  celebrated  leaders. 
he  became  himself  a  leader  equally  renowned.  Spain  owed  to 
him  the  discovery  and  conquest  of  Peru.  Perhaps  in  no  page  of 
the  history  of  America — not  even  in  the  books  which  narrate  the 
romantic  and  almost  incredible  achievements  of  the  conquerors  of 
Mexico — shall  we  find  heroism  more  magnanimous  and  more  ex- 
traordinary than  the  determination  formed  by  Pizarro  and  thirteen 

*   Zarate. — Gomara. — Vega,  &c. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  127 

others,  who,  though  worn  out  with  fatigue,  diseases  and  disap- 
pointments, resolutely  preferred  to  remain  in  a  desert  island,  than 
to  abandon  the  enterprise  which  they  had  undertaken. 

But,  however  great  may  have  been  the  military  virtues  of  Fran- 
cis Pizarro — however  extensive  and  varied  the  series  of  his  ser- 
vices— however  severe  the  trials  he  sustained  in  a  long  life  devoted 
to  danger,  toil,  and  hardship  in  the  cause  of  discovery, — such 
multifarious  merits  lose  a  great  portion  of  their  claims  to  public 
admiration  from  the  acts  of  injustice,  rapine,  and  cruelty,  by  which 
his  deeds  were  deeply  coloured.  The  murder  of  Atahualpa,  the 
slaughter  of  the  Peruvians,  cannot  unfortunately  be  effaced  from 
the  pages  of  his  life,  and  must  counteract  our  feelings  of  wonder 
and  admiration,  by  those  of  horror  and  abhorrence.  The  name  of 
Francis  Pizarro  is  generally  coupled  with  that  of  Hernan  Cortes; 
but  this  is  probably  more  owing  to  the  circumstance  of  their  being 
the  discoverers  and  conquerors  of  two  great  empires,  than  to  any 
striking  resemblance  in  their  characters,  abilities,  or  merits.  As 
a  daring  commander,  as  a  man  capable  of  sustaining  fatigue, 
Pizarro  was  equal  to  Cortes.  He  possessed  the  qualities  of  cour- 
age, patience  and  magnanimity,  in  an  equal  degree,  but  he  was 
far  inferior  as  a  politician,  to  the  illustrious  conqueror  of  Mexico. 
Besides,  the  latter  possessed  the  advantages  of  education,  as  well 
as  other  grounds  of  superiority,  to  which  Pizarro  could  lay  no 
claim. 

Juan  de  Herrada,  and  the  rest  of  the  conspirators,  as  soon  as 
they  had  performed  their  horrid  deed,  sallied  out  of  the  ( iovernor's 
palace,  and  brandishing  their  bloody  swords,  ran  about  the  streets 
proclaiming  the  fall  of  the  tyrant.  Their  party  was  soon  aug- 
mented by  other  associates.  The  greatest  ferment  prevailed  at 
Lima  ;  and  while  the  friends  of  Pizarro,  and  the  more  peaceful 
inhabitants,  struck  with  consternation,  knew  not  what  course  to 
adopt,  Herrada,  eager  to  improve  his  first  advantage,  proceeded  to 
carry  his  designs  into  execution  without  a  moment's  delay.  The 
men  of  Chili,  as  the  faction  was  called,  now  placed  young  Alma- 
irro  on  horseback,  and  paraded  him  about  the  streets,  filling  the 
air  with  shouts  of  joy,  and  with  imprecations  on  the  fallen  ( Jover- 
nor.  The  conspirators  next  assembled  the  Cabildo,  or  municipal 
authorities,  and  obliged  them  to  recognize  Almagro  as  lawful 
governor  of  Peru,  in  right  of  succession  to  his  father.  The  cere- 
mony so  summarily  required,  and  so  forcibly  exacted,  was  performed 
without  demur;  and  having,  bv  this  pretended  legal  act,  confirmed 
the  title  of  Almagro,  his  tutor  and  leader  Herrada  harangued  the 
principal  citizens;   and,  depicting  in  the  most  odious  colours,  the 


128  HISTORY  OF  THE 

excesses  and  cruelties  of  the  late  Governor,  took  occasion  to  draw 
a  splendid  picture  of  the  tranquillity  and  happiness  which  they 
would  enjoy  under  the  rule  of  his  successor. 

As  Almagro,  however,  was  too  young  to  take  the  active  conduct 
of  affairs  into  his  own  hands,  Herrada  was  appointed  to  act  as  his 
delegate  and  general.  That  enterprising  man  took  every  measure 
for  ensuring  success  to  his  daring  deeds.  He  was  indefatigable 
in  his  exertions,  which,  together  with  the  fortunate  issue  of  the 
conspiracy,  induced  many  of  the  late  soldiers  of  Pizarro  to  join 
the  standard  of  the  new  Governor.  Indeed,  the  memory  of  that 
chief  was  consigned  to  opprobrium  and  execration.  No  effort  was 
even  made,  at  the  time,  to  bestow  a  more  decent  burial  upon  his 
mortal  remains.  His  dwelling  was  pillaged,  as  well  as  the  houses 
of  his  principal  adherents;  and  everything  was  done  to  strengthen 
the  interest  of  Almagro,  by  heaping  odium  on  the  memory  of  Pi- 
zarro. These  changes  were  not  performed  without  some  victims 
being  sacrificed.  Several  stanch  dependents  of  the  late  Gover- 
nor, under  trivial  pretences,  were  exiled  or  imprisoned,  and  many 
also  were  put  to  the  sword.* 

In  this  manner  was  the  authority  of  Almagro  established  and 
recognized  at  Lima.  His  daring  conduct  was  crowned  with  entire 
success.  Indeed,  the  expectations  of  the  conspirators  were  an- 
swered with  a  rapidity  which  they  had  probably  never  anticipated. 
Their  party  increased  every  day — some  in  hopes  of  bettering  their 
condition,  others  disgusted  with  the  tyrannical  disposition  of  the 
Pizarros,  and  many,  subscribing  to  the  force  of  circumstances, 
flocked  to  the  standard  of  Almagro;  so  that  in  a  short  time  he 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  no  less  than  eight  hundred  men — the 
best  soldiers  in  Peru.  With  this  strong  force,  and  with  the  con- 
trol of  Lima,  the  Almagrians  now  considered  themselves  fully 
prepared  to  meet  any  future  attacks. 

*  Zarate. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  129 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Renewal  of  Civil  Dissensions — Arrival  of  Vara  do  Castro — Complete  Destruction 
of  the  Almagrian  Faction,  &c. 

Notwithstanding  the  rapidity  of  success  which  the  Almagrians 
had  experienced  in  their  undertakings,  they  soon  found  that  the 
Spaniards  inhabiting  the  country  distant  from  Lima  would  not 
easily  acquiesce  in  the  new  order  of  things.  Feared  and  disliked, 
as  Don  Francisco  Pizarro  had  been  for  his  violent  temper  and 
cruel  deeds,  the  recollection  of  his  services  had  effaced  all  inimical 
feeling  against  him  after  his  fall ;  and  when  the  first  effervescence 
was  over,  the  horror  of  his  assassination  induced  many  to  consider 
the  conduct  of  Herrada  and  his  companions  as  barbarous,  treach- 
erous, and  illegal.  When,  therefore,  Almagro  sent  messengers  to 
the  various  Spanish  settlements,  requiring  them  to  recognize  his 
authority,  he  met  with  such  opposition,  as  augured  unfavourably 
for  the  stability  of  his  power,  and  for  long  continuance  of  peace, 
lie  was  considered  by  many  of  the  officers  as  an  usurper  ;  and 
they  refused  to  acknowledge  his  jurisdiction,  until  it  should  be 
confirmed  by  the  Emperor.  Nor  did  the  great  strength  which 
the  Almagrians  were  daily  acquiring,  deter  some  of  the  more 
daring  of  the  adverse  party  from  proceeding  immediately  to  take 
such  decisive  measures  as  showed  clearly  that  they  were  ready  to 
decide  the  contest  by  force  of  arms. 

It  was  at  Cuzco  that  these  alarming  symptoms  were  more  par- 
ticularly displayed.  Nufio  de  ('astro,  Pedro  Anzures,  and  Garci- 
laso  de  la  Y^ega,  all  officers  of  distinguished  merit,  and  faithful  to 
their  duty,  immediately  resolved  to  exert  a  decided  opposition  to 
the  rebellious  faction  ;  and  accordingly,  after  peremptorily  refusing 
to  acknowledge  its  authority,  they  prepared  to  resist  its  force.  As 
they  had  not  a  sufficient  number  of  men  under  their  command,  a 
messenger  was  dispatched  immediately  to  Alvarez  de  Ilolguin, 
who,  at  the  head  of  a  hundred  Spaniards,  had  departed  for  Callao, 
in  order  to  reduce  some  Indians  into  subjection.  That  officer  was 
apprised  of  the  late  calamitous  occurrences,  anil  was  earnestly  re- 
quired to  abandon  his  present  undertaking  for  affairs  of  far  greater 
importance,  and  to  return  to  Cuzco  without  delay.  Holguin  lost 
no  time  in  retracing  his  steps  ;  and,  no  sooner  was  he  at  Cuzco, 
0 


130  HISTORY  OF  THE 

than  active  preparations  were  adopted  to  resist  the  usurped  autho- 
rity of  Almagro. 

The  public  authorities  assembled,  and,  after  performing  the 
solemn  rites  of  religion,  proceeded  to  name  an  interim  commander 
for  Peru,  until  the  will  of  the  King  of  Spain  should  be  known  with 
regard  to  the  person  who  was  to  fill  that  station.  Their  choice 
fell  upon  Pedro  Alvarez  de  Holguin,  an  officer  of  note,  who  had 
most  ardently  joined  in  opposition  to  the  Ahnagrians; — while 
Garcilaso  de  la  Vega,  Anzures,  and  several  others,  were  selected 
to  fill  subordinate  stations,  according  to  their  merits.  Soldiers 
were  also  collected  and  drilled,  and  proclamations  were  issued, 
that  all  true  Spaniards  should  hasten  to  surround  the  standard  of 
the  King,  against  that  of  traitors  and  rebels.  These  invitations 
were  not  without  success.  That  instinctive  respect  which  the 
Spaniards  have  for  royal  authority,  and,  ahove  all,  the  turbulent 
spirit  by  which  those  adventurers  were  actuated,  influenced  many 
to  abandon  their  slothful  tranquillity,  and  to  join  in  the  contest 
which  it  was  now  evident  would  ensue.  Indeed,  both  parties  had 
assumed  too  great  a  power  to  submit  tamely  to  the  dictates  of  each 
other  ;  so  that,  instead  of  thinking  of  any  negotiation,  they  strained 
their  every  effort  to  increase  their  chance  of  success  in  war.  Peru 
was  thus  again  threatened  with  being  involved  in  the  flames  of 
civil  discord. 

It  was  at  this  critical  juncture  that  Yaca  de  Castro  arrived  in 
America.  This  personage,  after  a  severe  voyage,  had  arrived  at 
Panama,  and,  in  his  hurry  to  fulfill  the  important  commission  with 
which  he  was  intrusted,  had  left  that  place  in  a  frail  vessel,  little 
adapted  for  hard  service,  by  which  means  his  passage  to  Peru  was 
protracted  and  dangerous.  At  length,  after  undergoing  many 
perils,  he  was  driven  by  stress  of  weather  into  a  harbour  in  the 
district  of  Pompayan.  He  then  proceeded  by  land  to  Quito,  and 
on  his  march  Avas  informed  of  the  assassination  of  Pizarro,  as  well 
as  the  various  occurrences  which,  subsequently,  had  taken  place 
in  Peru.  He  lost  no  time,  therefore,  in  producing  the  royal  de- 
cree which  appointed  him  to  the  government  of  the  country  ;  and 
his  authority  was  immediately  recognized  by  Benalcazar,  who 
commanded  at  Pompayan,  and  by  Pedro  de  Puelles,  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro's  lieutenant  at  Quito.  Yaca  de  Castro  lost  no  time  in  pro- 
moting these  first  favourable  symptoms;  and  his  conduct,  while  it 
bespoke  great  abilities,  was  such  as  to  merit  success.  He  dis- 
patched messengers  to  every  quarter,  requiring  those  who  had 
hitherto  remained  neutral  to  declare  for  the  right  cause,  and  pro- 
mising pardon  to  such  of  the  rebels  as  would  abandon  the  standard 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  131 


of  Almagro,  and  join  that  of  the  King-.  By  unremittfng  exertions. 
and  by  a  happy  mixture  of  decision  and  address,  Vaca  de  Castro 
soon  found  himself  in  an  attitude  to  command  respect;  and  as  he 
acted  under  the  royal  sanction,  that  circumstance  gave  a  weight 
to  his  character  and  to  his  measures,  which  he  anticipated  would 
prove  of  material  advantage  in  the  sequel. 

Nor  were  his  expectations  deceived.  The  timid  and  the  pru- 
dent, who  had  hitherto  remained  neutral,  hastened  to  join  that 
party  which  they  conceived  would  triumph  in  the  end  ;  and  the 
enemies  of  the  Almagrians,  who  had,  until  now,  continued  inac- 
tive through  dread  of  their  power,  saw  the  moment  arrive  when 
they  might  fearlessly  avow  their  sentiments.  By  this  means  not 
only  the  forces  of  Vaca  de  Castro  were  greatly  increased,  but  his 
character,  with  the  respect  which  it  inspired,  was  more  strongly 
confirmed.  His  jurisdiction  was  solemnly  recognized  in  Cuzco, 
and  most  other  towns  of  Peru;  and  an  imperative  summons  was 
issued  to  the  rest  to  follow  this  example,  under  the  pain  of  being 
considered  rebellious,  and  treated  accordingly.* 

Young  Almagro  perceived  the  progress  of  Vaca  de  Castro  with 
alarm,  and  he  could  not  but  behold  with  sorrow  the  disaffection 
and  apathy  which  began  to  be  exhibited  among  his  own  party. 
The  prompt  anil  decisive  measures  of  Vaca  de  Castro,  and  the 
readiness  with  which  he  had  been  seconded  by  many  of  the  most 
eminent  officers  in  Peru,  awakened  in  the  mind  of  the  usurper 
dismal  apprehensions  for  his  power,  and  even  for  his  personal 
safety.  But  this  was  no  time  for  idle  speculations,  which  could 
only  tend  to  dispirit  such  of  his  partisans  who  were  still  zealous 
in  his  cause,  and  to  compromise,  by  procrastination,  every  chance 
of  success.  He  accordingly  resolved  to  attack  Cuzco,  the  princi- 
pal station  of  the  enemy,  before  Vaca  de  Castro  should  arrive  there 
with  his  troops,  and  augment  the  garrison  in  that  city.  Mean- 
time, Alonso  de  Alvarado  effected  a  junction  with  Pedro  Alvarez 
de  Holguin,  who,  together  with  the  rest  of  the  loyal  party,  now 
determined  to  act  in  concert  with  Vaca  de  Castro.  They  dis- 
patched messengers  to  Trujillo,  where  the  new  governor  then 
resided,,  in  order  that  all  the  various  detachments  should  concen- 
trate, the  better  to  resist  the  opposition  of  the  Almagrians,  whose 
forces,  notwithstanding  some  partial  desertions,  were  still,  in  point 
of  number,  calculated  to  inspire  respect. 

A  misfortune  now  happened,  which  sensibly  affected  the  Alma- 
grians, and  was  an  irretrievable  loss  to  their  inexperienced  chief. 


Zarate. — Gomara. 


13-2  HISTORY  OF  THE 

This  was  the  sudden  death  of  Juan  de  Herrada — the  stanch 
friend  of  Almagro — the  head  and  soul  of  his  party.  Bv  this  fatal 
event,  the  young  leader  was  deprived  of  one  on  whose  superior 
abilities,  and  proved  fidelity,  he  could  implicitly  rely;  and  from 
that  moment  a  total  change  was  perceptible  in  his  conduct.  Nei- 
ther endowed  with  the  talents  of  his  late  tutor,  nor  possessing  that 
experience  which  is  the  fruit  of  years,  Almagro  soon  discovered  a 
violence  of  temper,  and  a  want  of  address,  which  ultimately  proved 
fatal  to  his  cause.  He  nominated  Christoval  Sotelo  to  succeed 
Herrada;  but  that  officer,  though  a  man  of  courage,  and  a  good 
soldier,  was  not  possessed  of  such  abilities  as  distinguished  the 
latter  chief.  Almagro  immediately  sent  this  officer  with  a  chosen 
body  to  take  possession  of  Cuzco,  an  undertakinrr  which  Sotelo 
accomplished  without  difficulty,  as  no  troops  had  been  left  in  that 
city  for  its  defence.  Soon  after,  Almagro  himself  made  his  entrance 
into  the  place,  and,  after  deposing  the  civil  authorities,  and  naming 
persons  of  his  own  party  to  fill  their  stations,  he  applied  himseli 
diligently  to  provide  some  defence  against  the  forces  of  Vaca  de 
Castro,  who,  he  naturally  concluded,  would  not  be  long  in  making  his 
appearance  before  Cuzco.  Almagro  named  the  Creek,  Pedro  de 
Candia,  a  skillful  engineer,  and  one  of  the  thirteen  gallant  com- 
panions of  Pizarro  remaining  at  Corgona,  commander  of  the  artil- 
lery; and  under  his  instructions  a  plentiful  supply  of  gunpowder 
was  manufactured,  the  country  abounding  with  saltpetre  of  the 
best  quality.  Candia  also  founded  some  pieces  of  artillery,  and, 
in  a  word,  exerted  all  his  abilities  towards  the  improvement  of  that 
department  over  which  he  had  been  appointed  to  preside. 

Nor  was  this  the  only  advantage,  which  Almagro  possessed. 
The  Inca  Manco  Capac,  who  had  retired  to  the  mountains,  showed 
an  evident  resolution  to  favour  his  party,  and  sent  messengers  to 
Cuzco  with  oilers  of  friendship  and  alliance.  Almagro  received 
these  amicable  overtures  with  kindness  and  gratitude;  and  the 
Inca,  in  testimony  of  his  sincerity,  immediately  sent  him  about 
two  hundred  articles,  such  as  shields,  armour,  swords,  muskets, 
and  other  weapons,  that  had  fallen  into  his  hands  during  the  siege 
which  he  had  conducted  against  Cuzco,  when  that  city  was  under 
the  power  of  the  Pizarros.  Things  now  began  to  wear  a  favourable 
aspect,  when  not  only  the  prospects,  but  even  the  life  of  Almagro, 
sustained  imminent  danger,  from  that  spirit  of  jealousy  and  dis- 
cord which  seemed  to  rage  so  violently  in  the  breasts  of  the 
Spaniards  in  Peru. 

*  G.  de  la  Vega. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  133 

Christoval  Sotelo  and  Diego  de  Alvarado,  the  two  principal  offi- 
cers of  Almagro's  party,  entertained  a  secret  animosity  against 
each  other,  which  terminated  in  the  death  of  the  former.  Having 
unfortunately  met  in  the  public  square  one  day,  a  quarrel  ensued, 
in  which  Sotelo  was  killed  by  his  antagonist.  This  event  was 
followed  by  inauspicious  results.  The  friends  of  each  party  took 
up  the  feud,  and  committed  deeds  of  violence  which  it  required 
the  utmost  exertions  of  Almagro  to  quell.  Diego  de  Alvarado, 
conceiving  that  his  life  was  in  danger,  now  formed  the  daring  pro- 
ject of  sacrificing  his  commander;  but  he  failed  in  his  attempt,  and 
was  himself  the  victim  of  his  sanguinarv  design.*  By  this  un- 
fortunate dissension,  not  only  was  the  party  of  Almagro  bereaved 
of  its  two  principal  supporters,  but  a  pernicious  spirit  of  private 
revenge  was  infused  into  the  breasts  of  many  of  the  soldiers,  who 
had  been  the  adherents  of  these  two  officers. 

Almagro,  both  to  divert  the  attention  of  his  troops  from  the  recent 
mournful  events,  and  to  prevent  the  forces  of  Vaca  de  Castro  from 
increasing  in  strength,  resolved  to  advance  boldly,  and  offer  battle 
to  that  commander.  He  left  Cuzco  at  the  head  of  a  gallant  army, 
amounting  to  no  less  than  seven  hundred  men,  all  perfectly  equip- 
ped, and  eager  for  an  engagement.  In  this  body  were  many  of  the 
veteran  conquerors  of  Peru,  who  had  to  sustain  their  great  repu- 
tation in  arms,  and  others  who,  from  their  connivance  or  partici- 
pation in  the  death  of  Pizarro,  were  firmly  resolved  to  conquer  or 
perish;  as  they  conceived  that  no  other  alternative  was  now  left 
to  them.  Such  views,  together  with  the  hope  of  plunder,  and  the 
generous  disposition  of  young  Almagro  towards  those  who  served 
him  with  zeal,  united  his  soldiers  devotedly  to  the  cause  of  their 
chief;  and  on  quitting  Cuzco,  he  entertained  the  most  flattering 
expectations. 

.Meantime,  Gonzalo  Pizarro  had  arrived  at  Quito,  after  his  long 
and  disastrous  expedition,  and  found  the  place  almost  deserted, 
owing  to  the  commotion  which  had  lately  taken  place.  lie  there 
obtained  the  particulars  of  the  various  important  events  which  had 
occurred  since  his  departure — the  conspiracy  against  his  brother, 
and  his  assassination — the  elevation  of  the  young  Almagro — the 
arrival  of  Vaca  de  Castro  from  Spain — and  the  arrangements  which 
both  parties  had  made  for  settling  the  contest  by  force  of  arms. 
<  lonzalo  Pizarro  did  not  hesitate  with  regard  to  the  course  which 
he  should  pursue.  Though  exhausted,  and  almost  broken  down 
by  such  unusual  hardships,  he  immediately  determined  to  take  a 

'   Zarate. — (1.  de  la  V«"'a. 


134  HISTORY  OF  THE 


prominent  part  in  the  approaching  contest;  and  accordingly,  he 
sent  a  message  toVaca  de  Castro,  with  oilers  of  service  from  him- 
self and  his  veterans.  Contrary  to  his  expectations,  however,  these 
were  declined  by  the  new  Governor,  who  returned  a  kind  and 
respectful  answer,  inviting  Pizarro  to  repose  after  the  toils  he  had 
undergone;  adding  that  his  presence  was  necessary  at  Quito,  not 
only  in  order  to  protect  the  place,  hut  to  restore  the  strength  of  his 
followers,  of  whose  services  he  would  avail  himself  in  due  time. 

Yaca  de  Castro  displayed  consummate  policy  in  refusing  the 
offers  of  Pizarro.  Though  quite  prepared  for  war,  he  had  not  yet 
discarded  from  his  mind  all  hope  of  making  some  accommodation 
before  he  came  to  the  last  extremity.  He  felt  sensible  that  some 
sacrifice  of  pride,  and  some  concessions,  were  preferable  to  a  fierce 
contest  between  Spaniards  ;  for,  however  victorious  either  party 
might  be,  the  results  would  be  detrimental  to  both.  Accordingly, 
though  he  had  perceived  the  Almagrians  making  every  prepara- 
tion for  warfare,  he  still  cherished  ideas  of  peace;  but  the  presence 
of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  in  his  army  would  be  an  insuperable  bar  to  an 
accommodation.  That  violent  and  vindictive  captain  could  never 
come  to  any  amicable  arrangement  with  the  assassinspf  his  brother; 
nor  would  the  Almagrians,  in  their  turn,  feel  inclined  to  show  any 
friendly  sentiment  towards  their  inveterate  enemy.  His  absence 
from  the  army  was  therefore  requisite;  and  Yaca  de  Castro, 
weighing  the  advantages  which  he  might  derive  from  the  valour  of 
that  chief,  with  the  probable  mischief  which  might  ensue  from  his 
assistance,  prudently  resolved  on  that  line  of  conduct,  which  was 
certainly  the  most  judicious  under  existing  circumstances.  Some 
authors  suppose,  that  Yaca  de  Castro  was  not  merely  actuated,  on 
this  occasion,  by  his  zeal  for  the  public  cause,  but  that  a  feeling  of 
self-interest  had  great  weight  in  his  decision  ;  as  he  feared  that, 
on  the  presence  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  in  his  camp,  the  soldiers  might 
be  tempted  to  raise  him  to  the  supreme  command. 

Yaca  de  Castro  continued  his  march  to  the  plains  of  Chupas, 
which  lie  about  two  hundred  miles  from  Cuzco.  Here  he  pitched 
his  camp,  and  resolved  to  await  the  enemy  ;  but  previously,  how- 
ever, to  an  engagement,  he  resolved  to  oiler  terms  of  accommoda- 
tion. Accordingly,  lie  sent  two  officers  to  Almagro,  inviting  him 
to  return  to  his  duty,  by  submitting  to  the  royal  standard  ;  and 
promising,  in  case  he  should  follow  this  course,  not  only  lull  par- 
don for  past  transgressions,  but  such  emoluments  as  would,  satisfy 
at  once  his  pride  and  his  ambition.  Almagro  felt  inclined  to  ac- 
cept this  proposal,  but  wishing,  with  natural  anxiety,  that  the 
terms  should  be  more  explicit;  he  answered,  that  lie  was  willing 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  135 

to  lay  down  his  arms,  provided  his  jurisdiction  over  the  province 
of  New  Toledo  should  be  recognized,  and  he  himself  completely 
reinstated  in  the  possessions  of  his  father.  Moreover,  he  stipu- 
lated that  the  amnesty  should  be  extended  to  every  member  of  his 
party,  however  obnoxious  his  conduct  might  have  been  previous 
to  this  moment.  To  these  two  principal  points  he  added  a  requi- 
sition, that  Alvarez  de  Holguin,  Garcilaso  de  la  Vega,  Alonso  de 
Alvarado,  and  other  determined  adherents  of  the  Pizarro  faction, 
should  be  immediately  dispersed  over  the  country,  as  he  could  not 
entertain  well-founded  hopes  of  personal  security,  so  long  as  Vaca 
de  Castro  continued  surrounded  by  his  avowed  and  implacable 
enemies.* 

These  terms  were  presumptuous,  and  could  not  be  admitted  by 
the  governor;  yet  Almagro  could  scarcely  have  accepted  others, 
situated  as  he  was  at  the  time.  In  demanding  the  government  of 
Toledo,  he  was  perfectly  justified,  as  he  could  lay  claim  to  it  in 
virtue  of  his  father's  right ;  and  the  dispersion  of  his  inveterate 
foes  was  a  measure  of  imperious  necessity.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  Vaca  de  Castro  could  not  deprive  himself  of  the  principal 
supporters  of  his  cause,  and  thus  render  himself  an  easy  prey  to 
the  attacks  of  the  enemy.  Negotiation,  therefore,  became  fruit- 
less, while  the  desire  of  war  had  been  stiil  increasino-,  from  va- 
rious circumstances  that  combined  to  excite  the  feelings  of  both 
parties.  The  Almagrians  hanged  one  Garcia,  under  the  pre- 
tence that  he  was  a  spy,  which  act  exasperated  those  of  the  ad- 
verse faction.  Young  Almagro  entertained,  besides,  sanguine 
hopes  as  to  the  issue  of  a  contest;  having  been  deceived  by  erro- 
neous accounts  of  the  strength  of  Vaca  de  Castro,  as  well  as  by 
a  report  that  the  people  of  Panama  were  favourably  inclined 
towards  the  men  of  Chili,  and  that  the  emperor  would  confirm  the 
power  of  their  chief.  Every  idea  of  an  arrangement  being  now 
at  an  end,  Vaca  de  Castro,  in  order  to  give  more  weight  to  his  pro- 
ceedings, assembled  the  army,  and.  after  exhorting  them  to  perse- 
vere in  their  duty,  he  declared  Almagro  a  rebel  and  a  traitor,  sen- 
tenced him  to  death,  and  confiscated  his  goods.  After  this,  nothing 
remained  but  to  settle  the  contest  without  delay. 

\  aca  de'  Castro  distributed  his  army  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
surprise  his  veterans;  for  they  could  not  conceive  such  skill  in 
military  tactics  to  be  possessed  by  a  man  whose  life  had  been  de- 
voted to  the  pursuit  of  letters.  Alvarez  de  Iloliniin  and  (  Jarcilaso 
de  la  Vega  commanded   the  wings;   Alonzo   de   Alvarado  carried 

*   Zarato — Oornara. 


136  HISTORY  OF  THE 


the  royal  standard;  Nuno  de  Castro  led  the  van,  which  consisted 
of  a  chosen  company  of  musketeers;  the  infantry  was  flanked  by 
the  cavalry;  while  Vaca  de  Castro  headed  a  body  of  reserve.  It 
was  near  sunset,  when  the  battle  began,  which  was  furious  and 
obstinate  beyond  measure,  and  disputed  with  equal  animosity  and 
resolution  on  both  sides.  The  first  symptom  of  disadvantage  on 
the  side  of  Almagro,  arose  from  supposed  treachery  on  the  part 
of  Pedro  de  Candia,  who  commanded  the  artillery,  and  who  is 
said  to  have  fired  over  the  enemy,  giving  them  an  opportunity  of 
advancing  ivithout  injury.  The  combat  now  became  desperate, 
every  man  of  the  contending  parties  having  mingled  in  it.  As 
they,  had  no  mercy  to  expect,  the  Almagrians  fought  with  the 
courage  of  despair,  and  succeeded  in  keeping  victory  in  suspense, 
while  the  veil  of  night  had  already  thrown  its  shade  over  the  en- 
sanguined field.  But  the  good  fortune  of  Vaca  de  Castro  at  length 
prevailed,  and  the  contest  ended,  about  nine  in  the  evening,  in 
the  total  rout  of  the  Almagrians.  The  slaughter  was  great; — not 
fewer  than  five  hundred  Spaniards  lay  dead  on  the  field.  The 
party  of  Almagro  suffered  the  greatest  loss,  as  many  of  them,  im- 
pelled by  despair,  and  entertaining  no  hope  of  mercy,  rushed  on 
the  swords  of  the  enemy,  and  perished  rather  than  surrender.  In 
this  battle  many  distinguished  themselves  on  both  sides  ;  but  none 
perhaps  more  eminently  than  Francis  Carvajal,  a  veteran  who  had 
served  in  the  wars  of  Italy  under  the  great  Captain  (Gonzales  de 
Cordova,)  and  who,  on  the  present  occasion,  gave  the  first  pledge 
of  that  renown  which  he  was  afterwards  to  acquire  in  America. 
Vaca  de  Castro  sustained  great  loss,  and  none  more  deeply  to  be 
deplored  than  the  death  of  Alvarez  de  Holguin,  who,  taking  every- 
thing into  consideration,  might  be  considered  the  most  accom- 
plished officer  in  his  army.* 

Young  Almagro  himself  fought  with  a  courage  worthy  of  his 
father.  When  he  saw  the  battle  lost  past  all  recovery,  he  betook 
himself  to  flight,  with  a  few  devoted  partisans.  He  was,  however, 
taken,  and  conducted  to  Cuzco,  where  it  was  resolved  he  should 
immediately  be  tried  by  a  court-martial.  Vaca  de  Castro  dis- 
played consummate  abilities,  as  well  as  great  energy  of  mind, 
throughout  these  lamentable  occurrences  ;  and  his  conduct  after 
the  victory  commands  as  much  admiration,  as  his  valour  and  pru- 
dence before  and  during  the  battle.  Though  far  from  being  of  a 
sanguinary  disposition,  and  averse  to  spill  the  blood  of  his  unfor- 
tunate countrymen,  he  knew  that  the  tranquillity  of  the  kingdom 

*  Zarate. — Gomara. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  137 

demanded  sacrifices;  and  that  a  mistaken  pity,  by  leaving  rebel- 
lion unpunished,  would  encourage  fresh  disturbances.  Forty  of 
the  prisoners,  who  had  been  noted  for  their  turbulent  spirits. 
and  had  particularly  distinguished  themselves  in  the  late  commo- 
tions, were  tried,  convicted  as  rebels  and  traitors,  and  condemned 
to  death.  Others,  not  equally  guilty,  were  banished  from  Peru; 
the  rest  were  freely  pardoned.  The  unfortunate  Almagro  himself 
was  publicly  beheaded  at  Cuzco,  on  the  same  spot  where  his  father 
had  suffered,  and  by  the  hands  of  the  same  executioner.  lie  was 
only  twenty  years  of  age  when  he  underwent  his  disastrous  fate. 
He  was  greatly  deplored,  as  he  had  shown  qualities  which  would 
have  rendered  him  highly  eminent  in  future  life,  had  he  not,  by 
the  fatal  influence  of  circumstances,  been  so  early  involved  in  ca- 
lamity. With  young  Almagro  the  name,  as  well  as  every  vestige 
of  the  faction,  became  extinct. * 

The  death  of  Almagro  and  his  principal  partisans,  together 
with  the  banishment  of  others,  and  the  dispersion  of  the  rest 
through  various  parts  of  the  country,  restored  tranquillity  to  Peru. 
Still,  before  anything  could  assume  a  flourishing  state,  many  exer- 
tions were  to  be  made,  and  a  long  interval  of  peace  was  requisite. 
The  continual  dissensions  among  the  conquerors,  and  the  preda- 
tory lives  which  they  led,  called  imperiously  for  a  remedy — a 
remedy,  too,  which,  though  efficient,  should  not  be  attended  with 
violent  results;  and  much  tact  and  prudence,  no  less  than  energy, 
were  necessary  to  insure  this  desired  effect.  Of  this  Vaca  de 
Castro  Avas  fully  aware,  and  he  accordingly  determined  to  devote 
his  whole  attention  to  the  fulfillment  of  so  important  an  object. 
Fortunately  for  the  Spaniards,  the  respect  which  the  new  go- 
vernor inspired  from  his  integrity,  and  the  lustre  of  his  abilities., 
pointed  him  out  as  a  person  equal  to  the  arduous  task  which  he 
had  undertaken;  and  every  one  now  seemed  ready  to  second  the 
aims  of  a  man  who  had  entered  on  his  government  under  such 
favourable  auspices. 

'  Zarate, — Ilerrcra. 


13S  HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Measures  adopted  by  the  Spanish  Government  with  regard  to  Peru. — The  No- 
mination of  Nunez  Vela  as  Viceroy  of  that  Country. 

The  repeated  convulsions  which  had  destroyed  the  tranquillity 
of  Peru,  and  which  would  have  compromised  the  security  of  the 
conquered  country,  had  the  inhabitants  been  endowed  with  a  war- 
like disposition,  had  of  late  particularly  attracted  the  attention  of 
the  Spanish  sovereign.  It  was  evident,  that  the  unsettled  state  of 
the  kingdom,  and  the  continual  disturbances  to  which  it  was  ex- 
posed, demanded  such  measures  as  should  check  those  jealousies 
of  individuals,  and  those  plots  of  faction  which  had  been  the 
source  of  so  many  calamities.  It  was  indispensably  necessary  to 
organize  a  more  efficient  system  of  government  in  the  New  World ; 
but  the  peculiarity  of  the  conquest,  the  character  of  the  conquerors, 
the  distance  of  the  country,  and  various  other  circumstances,  ren- 
dered such  a  task  one  of  no  ordinary  difficulty.  The  monarch 
could  not  issue  those  absolute  decrees  which  he  might  enforce  in 
Spain  with  comparative  facility,  without  exciting  the  violent  pas- 
sions of  men  accustomed  to  toil,  and  appalled  by  no  danger.  On 
the  other  hand,  a  curb  ought  immediately  to  be  placed  on  that 
licentious  and  turbulent  spirit,  by  which  the  Spanish  adventurers 
were  so  often  propelled  to  engage  in  those  disastrous  measures, 
so  detrimental  to  the  well-being  of  the  country.  Much  tact  and 
prudence  were  therefore  necessary  in  administering  a  remedy  to 
so  alarming  an  evil;  and  this  conviction  fortunately  aroused  at 
length  the  anxiety  of  the  Spanish  government. 

From  the  period  of  the  discovery  of  America,  down  to  that 
under  review,  the  different  conquests  made  in  the  Xew  World 
had  been  conducted  at  the  expense,  and  under  the  control  of  indi- 
viduals; and  extensive  as  the  conquered  territories  were,  the 
crown  of  Spain  was  indebted  for  them  to  the  individual  exertions 
of  its  subjects.  The  reigns  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  and  Charles 
the  First,  were  so  fruitful  in  important  events  and  diplomatic 
schemes,  that,  notwithstanding  the  magnitude  of  the  discoveries 
and  conquests  made  in  remote  regions,  the  attention  which  was 
paid  to  them  by  those  sovereigns  was  in  no  manner  adequate  to 
the  immense  results  of  those  undertakings.  Ferdinand  was  as 
much  absorbed  in  political  intrigues,  as  his  successor  Charles  was 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  139 

occupied  with  ambitious  projects;  and  the  multiplicity  of  schemes 
that  occupied  the  attention  of  either,  presented  a  great  obstacle 
to  the  tranquillity  of  the  New  "World.  These  various  discoveries 
and  conquests  had  been,  therefore,  undertaken  by  private  adven- 
turers, sometimes  without  sanction  of  any  kind,  and  almost  always 
without  the  knowledge  of  the  government.  Success  was  the 
justification  of  any  irregularity  in  the  manner  of  conducting  those 
erratic  and  independent  enterprises;  and,  aware  that  the  results 
alone  could  affix  blame  or  confer  praise,  the  adventurers  were 
unremitting  in  their  exertions  to  bring  them  to  a  favourable  issue. 
Thus,  the  crown  received  enormous  emoluments  from  undertak- 
ings in  which  the  King  took  no  part,  and  to  the  merit  of  which 
he  could  lay  no  claim.  The  sovereignty  of  the  subdued  coun- 
tries, and  a  fifth  of  the  spoil  in  gold,  silver,  or  other  precious  arti- 
cles were  set  apart  for  the  king,  while  the  adventurers  in  each 
expedition  seized  on  the  plunder  of  the  vanquished  to  indemnify 
themselves  for  the  expense  incurred  in  their  enterprise,  and  to 
reward  themselves  for  their  sufferings  and  toil. 

This  system  of  independent  warfare  was  liable  to  many  incon- 
veni  ?nces,  and  was  productive  of  serious  evils  in  the  sequel.  The 
conquerors  of  each  newly-discovered  region  began  forthwith  to 
portion  out  among  themselves  the  territory  as  a  permanent  recom- 
pense for  their  services.  This  summary  distribution  gave  birth, 
in  the  commencement,  to  many  irregularities,  and  produced  many 
acts  of  violence  and  injustice.  But  the  Spanish  government,  too 
much  interested  in  those  conquests,  was  at  first  obliged  to  connive, 
in  some  measure,  at  many  excesses  of  the  conquerors.  Hence  no 
curb  was  put  to  their  rapacious  spirit;  and  the  unfortunate  Indians 
felt,  to  their  misery,  the  heavy  pressure  of  such  an  unlicensed 
system.  The  illiterate  adventurers,  alive  to  the  allurements  of 
present  interest  alone,  and  incapable  of  forming  any  grand  specu- 
lations for  futurity,  seemed  only  intent  on  improving  their  for- 
tunes by  accumulating  wealth,  without  being  scrupulous  about  the 
manner  by  which  it  was  obtained,  or  paying  much  regard  to  the 
evils  which  might  follow  their  rapacity.  But  among  the  disastrous 
effects  of  such  an  order  of  things,  then.:  was  one  so  terrible,  as  to 
call  for  immediate  attention — one  in  which  justice  and  humanity 
were  equally  interested  with  the  more  sordid  views  of  political 
expediency.  One  description  of  emolument  to  the  conquerors 
accrued  from  their  appropriation  of  the  persons  of  the  vanquished, 
who  were  distributed  like  herds  of  cattle  to  serve  their  self-consti- 
tuted masters,  and  to  help  them,  by  their  labour,  in  the  acquisition 
of  wealth.     As  kindness  and  lenity  are  not  in  general  the  cliarac- 


110  HISTORY  OF  THE 

teristics  of  rude  adventurers,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  if  the 
tasks  imposed  upon  the  natives  were  not  in  strict  proportion  to  the 
physical  strength,  or  positive  powers  of  endurance  with  which  na- 
ture had  endowed  them;  or  if,  on  the  contrary,  they  were  more 
in  accordance  with  the  cupidity  of  their  masters.  The  Indians, 
naturally  less  robust  than  Europeans,  soon  felt  the  rigour  of  their 
new  lot,  and,  unable  to  support  fatigue  and  exertions  to  which  they 
were  so  little  accustomed  by  habit,  and  so  little  adapted  by  nature, 
began  to  sink  under  the  burden.  They  drooped  and  perished  in 
such  numbers,  that  the  mortality  became  serious,  and  gave  birth 
to  anxious  reflection.  The  government  of  Madrid  could  no  longer 
remain  a  tranquil  spectator  of  such  scenes,  without  making  com- 
petent efforts  to  check  the  progress  of  the  evil.  Indeed,  it  was 
reasonably  to  be  apprehended,  that  in  the  progress  of  time,  instead 
of  governing  vast  and  populous  countries,  the  King  would  possess 
only  dreary  and  unprofitable  deserts. 

This  anxiety  on  the  part  of  the  Spanish  court,  if  not  entirely 
occasioned,  was  at  least  strengthened,  by  the  remonstrances  of  a 
pious  and  humane  ecclesiastic.  This  was  the  celebrated  Father 
Bartholomew  de  Las  Casas, — a  name  which  is  rendered  illustrious 
for  his  unremitting  exertions  in  ameliorating  the  lot  of  the  Indians. 
Tbis  humane  man  had  already  exerted  himself  magnanimously  in 
behalf  of  suffering  humanity;  and  though  his  zeal  may  have  some- 
times carried  him  too  far,  in  his  accusations  against  the  Spaniards, 
be  nevertheless  deserved  the  high  appellation  of  philanthropist 
— the  most  honourable  title  that  can  be  given  to  a  human  being. 
Though  the  applications  made  by  Las  Casas  to  the  Spanish  court, 
and  to  those  bodies  to  whom  the  affairs  of  America  were  committed, 
had  hitherto  been  unattended  with  the  desired  success,  the  zeal  of 
the  good  monk  had  not  abated  in  its  ardour,  and  only  waited  a  fit 
opportunity  to  be  renewed  with  equal  warmth  and  perseverance. 
Las  Casas  was  at  this  moment  at  Madrid,  having  been  sent  to 
Spain,  on  a  mission  from  the  chapter  of  his  order  at  Chapa.  Upon 
his  arrival  in  the  mother  country,  he  resolved  to  redouble  his  exer- 
tions :  and  as  he  was  now  better  acquainted  with  the  real  state  of 
America,  and  more  instances  of  misery  had  come  under  his  obser- 
vation, he  was  stimulated  to  make  such  efforts  in  behalf  of  those 
he  had  taken  under  his  protection,  as  would  at  length  awaken  the 
royal  sympathy  in  their  favour. 

He  made  assiduous  applications,  and  allowed  no  check  to  daunt 
his  humane  intention.  That  powerful  eloquence,  with  which  he 
was  endowed  by  nature,  was  heightened  by  the  circumstance  of 
his  having  witnessed  those  lamentable  scenes,  which  he  now  de- 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  Ml 


picted  as  an  appeal  to  public  sympathy.  With  impressive  ear- 
nestness he  described  the  horrors  resulting  from  the  severe  treat- 
ment of  the  Indians;  and  brought  forward  the  dreadful  fact,  that 
in  less  than  fifty  years  the  greatest  portion  of  their  race  had  dis- 
appeared from  the  islands,  and  that  an  equally  disastrous  fate 
must  soon  attend  the  natives  of  the  continent.  Nothing  could 
prevent  the  frightful  calamity  of  a  total  extinction  of  that  race, 
but  a  royal  decree,  declaring  them  to  be  freemen.  This  appeal 
he  urged  with  unremitting  ardour;  and  as  the  sufferings  of  the 
Indians  was  the  constant  theme  of  his  meditations,  he  did  not 
content  himself  with  petitions  at  court,  or  sermons  in  the  pulpit, 
for  carrying  conviction  and  thus  gaining  his  object;  he  left  no  me- 
dium untried  that  he  conceived  favourable  to  his  views.  About 
this  time  he  published  his  celebrated  book,  called  the  Destruction 
of  America;  in  which  treatise,  he  paints  in  glowing  colours  the 
deadly  influence  of  the  Spaniards,  and  the  horrid  fate  of  the  na- 
tives in  that  country.* 

Charles  and  his  government  at  last  became  alive  to  the  truth  of 
his  statements,  and  to  the  urgent  necessity  for  a  remedy.  To  the 
motives  of  humanity  so  eloquently  pleaded  by  Las  Casas,  those 
of  public  expediency  were  added.  The  danger  of  the  extinction 
of  the  Indian  race,  though  it  might  not  be  so  imminent  as  it  was 
described,  was  yet  an  evil  which  might  naturally  be  anticipated, 
should  the  affairs  of  America  be  allowed  to  proceed  on  the  same 
footing.  The  Emperor,  fortunately,  being  now  relieved  in  seme 
measure  from  his  multifarious  schemes,  devoted  his  serious  atten- 
tion to  the  subject  in  question  ;  but  he  conceived,  that  his  plans 
with  regard  to  the  New  World  would  not  be  completely  accom- 
plished, by  merely  following  the  advice  of  Las  Casas,  whose  re- 
monstrances were  restricted  to  the  unhappy  condition  of  the 
Indians.  While  legislating  for  that  race,  it  was  also  necessary 
to  check  the  Spaniards,  and  to  put  a  rein  upon  their  unrestrained 
indulgence.  But  the  distance  of  America,  and  the  difficulty  of 
receiving  regular  and  authentic  intelligence,  required  that  a  code 
of  regulations  should  be  formed,  and  proper  functionaries  ap- 
pointed to  enforce  it,  without  the  pernicious  necessity  of  recurring 
to  Spain  for  instructions,  upon  every  emergency  of  importance. 

A  code  of  laws  had  indeed  become  indispensable.  Independ- 
ently of  the  representations  of  Las  Casas,  the  accounts  transmitted 

f  Though  Fattier  Bartholomew  de  Las  Casas,  tlie  champion  of  the  Indians, 
be  entitled  to  the  admiration  of  all  humane  persons,  his  work  might  neverthe- 
less to  be  read  with  salutary  distrust,  as  the  accounts  winch  he  gives  are  often 
grossly  exaggerated. 


142  HISTORY  OF  THE 

from  the  New  World,  of  the  wealth  and  power  enjoyed  by  the 
Spaniards,  were  such  as  to  alarm  the  jealousy  of  a  monarch.  Some 
obscure  and  ignorant  adventurers,  destitute  alike;  of  the  advantages 
of  birth,  education  or  talent,  were  now  the  possessors  of  wealth 
sufficient  to  become  a  dangerous  engine  in  their  hands.  Great 
as  the  services  were  which  they  had  performed,  and  severe  as 
their  hardships  had  appeared,  it  was  still  urged,  that  the  reward 
was  of  such  magnitude,  as  to  exceed  the  due  proportions  of  justice. 
The  extent  of  territory  assigned  to  men  of  the  lowest  rank,  and 
the  prospect  of  that  immense  wealth  which  they  would  eventually 
possess,  awoke  the  envy  and  indignation  of  the  grandees,  who 
considered  such  sudden  elevations  as  highly  injurious  to  their 
dignity.  Thus,  if  anything  were  wanted  to  enforce  the  views  of 
humanity  and  the  designs  of  policy,  the  spirit  of  jealousy  and 
cabal  came  forward  to  strengthen  prior  considerations. 

Charles  now  assembled  his  council,  and,  with  their  aid,  framed 
such  a  code  of  laws  and  regulations,  as  he  deemed  fully  adequate 
to  the  exigences  of  the  occasion.  In  these  he  defined  the  attributes 
and  power  of  the  Supreme  Council  of  the  Indies,  as  well  as  the 
functions  to  be  exercised  by  the  various  officers  of  the  crown  in 
the  New  World.  Together  with  these  regulations,  which  met 
with  general  approbation,  were  issued  several  decrees  concerning 
the  property  of  Spaniards,  the  tendency  of  which  was  to  ameliorate 
the  condition  of  the  natives.  Of  these  the  most  important  were, 
1st,  That,  as  many  of  the  shares  of  land  seized  upon  by  the 
conquerors  were  enormous,  the  Royal  Audience  had  power  to  re- 
duce them  as  might  seem  expedient.  2d,  That,  on  the  demise  of 
any  conqueror  or  landholder,  the  land  and  the  Indians  granted  to 
him  in  the  first  instance  should  not  be  inherited  by  his  children 
or  widow,  but  should  revert  to  the  crown.  3d,  That  the  Indians 
should  be  absolved  from  services  contrary  to  their  will,  and  not  be 
forced  to  carry  burdens,  to  work  at  the  mines,  or  to  dive  for  pearls. 
4th,  That  all  public  functionaries,  all  ecclesiastics,  all  hospitals 
and  monasteries,  should  henceforth  be  deprived  of  the  lands  and 
Indians  allotted  to  them,  which  were  to  be  given  to  the  king,  oth, 
That  all  persons  implicated  in  the  criminal  transactions  which  took 
place  during  the  contest  between  the  Pizarros  and  the  Almagrians, 
should  forfeit  their  landed  property  and  their  Indians.* 

These  regulations  were  received  by  the  ministers  with  the  most 
decided  disapprobation.  Indeed,  though  displaying  features  of 
justice  and  humanity,  they  were  such  as  would  prove  injurious  to 

*  Herrera. — G.  de  la  Vena. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  143 

the  prosperity  of  newly-established  colonies.  The  ministers  re- 
presented to  the  King-,  that  the  Spanish  settlers  in  the  New  World 
were  insufficient,  of  themselves,  for  the  improvement  and  cultiva- 
tion of  the  extensive  territories  over  which  they  were  so  thinly 
scattered,  and  that  the  success  of  their  schemes  chiefly  depended 
on  the  co-operation  and  labour  of  the  Indians.  The  natives,  from 
their  natural  indolence  and  love  of  independence,  could  be  induced 
by  no  reward  to  lend  their  services,  so  long  as  they  remained  free 
agents.  Thus,  the  most  unfavourable  consequences  only  were 
anticipated  from  the  new  regulations  ;  and,  under  their  influence,  a 
just  dread  was  entertained  of  the  stagnation  of  those  riches  which 
America  would  otherwise  produce  to  Spain.  The  ministers,  who 
had  regularly  received  due  intelligence  of  the  state  of  the  New 
World,  were  earnest  in  declaring  to  the  Emperor,  that  these  meas- 
ures would  prove  fatal;  but  Charles,  either  from  compassion  to 
the  sufferings  of  the  Indians,  or,  what  is  more  probable,  from  a 
stubborn  adherence  to  his  own  views,  refused  to  listen  to  the  re- 
monstrances of  his  ministers,  and  prepared  to  carry  his  plans  into 
effect,  by  naming  as  agents  for  America  persons  in  whose  resolute 
character  he  could  confide.  He,  accordingly,  appointed  Don  F. 
Tello  de  Sandoval  superintendent  of  the  kingdom  of  Mexico,  and 
instructed  him  to  co-operate  with  Mendoza  the  governor,  in  order 
to  enforce  the  observance  of  the  new  laws.  He  next  appointed 
Blasco  Nunez  Vela  to  the  government  of  Peru,  bestowing  on  him 
the  title  of  Vicerov,  to  give  more  weight  to  his  authority;  and,  at 
the  same  time,  he  instituted  a  Royal  Audience  in  Lima,  at  the 
head  of  which  he  placed  four  lawyers  of  great  eminence,  to  act  in 
the  capacity  of  judges.* 

In  the  year  151:3,  these  functionaries  departed  for  their  places 
of  destination.  The  news,  however,  of  the  laws  which  they  were 
sent  to  enforce,  reached  America  before  them;  and  the  information 
was  attended  with  those  feelings  of  disapprobation  which  might 
naturally  have  been  anticipated.  The  inhabitants  of  Mexico,  con- 
ceiving that  the  moment  of  their  ruin  was  approaching,  resolved 
to  sallv  out  in  deep  mourning  from  the  city  at  the  approach  of  the 
.superintendent,  in  order  to  show  the  sentiments  with  which  they 
were  agitated  at  the  prospect  of  this  supposed  calamity.  The 
prudence  and  lenient  conduct  of  Hon  Antonio  de  Mendoza  the 
governor,  however,  prevented  them  from  fulfilling  their  inten- 
tions :  and,  to  his  admirable  behaviour  throughout,  Spain  was  in- 
debted for  the  preservation  of  tranquillity.      He   prevailed  on  the 


*  Zaratc. — Gomara. 


144  HISTORY  OF  THE 

inhabitants  to  conduct  themselves  with  all  becoming  respect  to- 
wards Sandoval;  and  instead  of  the  tokens  of  disapprobation  with 
which  the  arrival  of  that  functionary  might  have  been  greeted, 
the  usual  demonstrations  of  respect  and  submission  were  displayed. 
But  though  they  yielded  in  this  manner  to  the  dictates  of  duty, 
when  urged  by  a  Viceroy,  whose  character  commanded  esteem, 
they  nevertheless  could  not  disguise  the  feelings  of  sorrow  and 
disappointment  which  the  appearance  of  Sandoval  in  Mexico  was 
calculated  to  call  forth. 

The  principal  persons  in  the  city  hastened  to  lay  before  the 
Viceroy  and  superintendent  a  multitude  of  addresses  expressive 
of  the  general  feeling  against  the  new  regulations.  Strong  re- 
monstrances were  urged,  and  powerful  arguments  adduced,  to 
show  the  impolicy  of  enforcing  these  laws.  Every  one  felt  deeply 
impressed  with  the  idea  that  total  ruin  must  follow  such  a  step. 
The  exertions  made  were  so  unremitting,  that  the  Governor  and 
superintendent  were  obliged  to  give  the  subject  their  serious  at- 
tention. Fortunately  for  the  inhabitants  of  Mexico,  not  only  was 
Mendoza  a  man  equally  distinguished  for  his  abilities  as  for  his 
prudence  and  moderation,  but  Sandoval,  from  the  beginning, 
evinced  a  gentle  disposition,  which  augured  favourably  for  the 
people  over  whom  he  had  been  appointed.  Both  these  person- 
ages, therefore,  appeared  disposed  to  listen  to  the  wishes  of  the 
inhabitants;  and  they  came  to  the  resolution  of  suspending,  pro 
tempore,  those  parts  of  the  new  regulations  which  bore  directly 
against  the  interests  of  the  Spaniards,  and  which  were,  hence, 
especially  subject  to  their  reprobation.  Besides,  they  not  only 
granted  their  sanction  to  the  determination  of  sending  a  deputation 
to  Spain,  in  order  to  represent  to  the  monarch  the  evil  tendency 
of  those  laws,  and  the  ruin  which  would  follow  their  enforcement, 
but  they  gave  additional  weight  to  the  embassy,  by  strongly  sup- 
porting the  views  of  the  petitioners.  These  exertions  were  at- 
tended with  success.  The  Emperor,  influenced  by  such  power- 
ful appeals,  granted  a  modification  of  the  new  laws,  which  suc- 
ceeded in  calming  apprehension,  and  restoring  tranquillity  to  the 
colony. 

In  the  meantime  affairs  assumed  a  more  threatening  aspect  in 
Peru.  iNo  sooner  were  the  intended  regulations  made  known, 
than  a  degree  of  effervescence,  far  more  formidable  than  the  dis- 
content displayed  at  Mexico,  appeared  among  the  Spaniards.  The 
comparative  facility  with  which  the  inhabitants  of  Mexico  had 
been  calmed,  could  not  be  expected  from  those  of  Peru.  Nor  is 
this  a  matter  of  surprise,  when  the  material  difference  that  existed 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  140 

between  the  conquerors  of  these  two  countries  is  taken  into  con- 
sideration. Although  the  Spaniards  who  subdued  Mexico,  with 
some  brilliant  exceptions,  were  men  of  slender  pretensions  to  rank 
or  talent,  yet  they  were,  in  every  respect,  superior  to  the  rude  and 
illiterate  vanquishers  of  Peru,  in  the  pacific  virtues  so  essential 
to  colonization.  The  adventurers  who  reduced  the  latter  vast 
kingdom  to  the  crown  of  Spain,  being  far  removed  from  scrutiny, 
and  enjoying  a  degree  of  power  and  wealth  to  which  they  could 
never  have  aspired  even  in  their  wildest  dreams,  had  abandoned 
themselves,  without  restraint,  to  the  exercise  of  absolute  dominion, 
and  to  a  contempt  of  authority  whenever  it  interfered  with  their 
personal  views.  This  licentious  spirit  had,  indeed,  been  carried 
much  farther  in  Peru  than  in  any  other  of  the  Spanish  settlements 
in  the  New  World.  The  complete  subversion  of  all  order  during 
the  civil  contentions  between  Almagro  and  Pizarro — the  lawless 
spirit  which  actuated  the  greater  part  of  the  Spaniards — and  the 
habits  of  violence  and  of  opposition  to  control,  which  they  had 
unfortunately  acquired  from  the  peculiar  circumstances  under 
which  their  turbulent  dispositions  had  been  called  forth — contri- 
buted to  form  of  these  adventurers  rather  a  body  of  independent 
rovers,  than  a  community  of  dutiful  subjects. 

The  first  intelligence  of  the  new  laws,  which  bore  so  directly 
against  their  habits  and  interests,  naturally  awoke  alarm,  and 
excited  the  most  angry  feelings.  To  men  of  such  desperate 
habits,  even  the  semblance  of  anything  bearing  the  character  of 
regularity  and  order,  could  not  but  be  disagreeable.  A  Viceroy 
with  a  clear  and  properly  defined  prerogative — a  Royal  Audience 
with  power  to  act  vigorously  in  cases  coming  under  their  cog- 
nizance, and  with  all  the  paraphernalia  of  constituted  authority 
— were  beheld  with  alarm  by  those  military  adventurers;  but 
when  this  first  subject  of  dread  was  accompanied  by  aggravating 
circumstances  that  interfered  directly  with  the  wealth  and  pros- 
perity of  the  conquerors,  their  rage  and  indignation  knew  no 
limits.  By  the  new  regulations  they  were  to  be  deprived  of  the 
fruits  they  had  earned  by  a  series  of  appalling  hardships  and 
protracted  services; — the  reward  of  years  of  toil  and  danger,  of 
patience  and  suffering,  was  to  be  violently  wrested  from  them  at 
the  caprice  of  a  monarch,  who  had  already  received  immense 
emoluments  from  the  success  of  their  labours,  while  he  himself 
had  contributed  nothing  towards  their  undertakings.  It  was  by 
this  violent  act  of  injustice  and  ingratitude  that  be  now  repaid 
their  services;  and,  after  all  the  dangers  and  toils  of  the  conquest, 
they  were  now  to  be  treated  like  a  herd  of  slaves,  without  either 
10 


146  HISTORY  OF  THE 


ceremony  or  consideration.  Such  were  the  reasonings  of  the 
Spaniards;  and  the)- were  followed  up  by  resolutions,  privately 
formed,  of  exerting  strong  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  the  King. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  different  cities  in  Peru  began  to  assem- 
ble in  groups,  and  debate  on  the  injustice  and  atrocity  of  the  new 
laws.  The  most  bitter  complaints  were  unceremoniously  vented 
against  the  sovereign.  As  the  most  eminent  of  the  conquerors 
had  at  one  time  or  other  held  some  official  capacity,  they  came 
thereby  under  the  influence  of  these  regulations,  and  felt  severely 
aggrieved  by  them.  It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  that  the  prospect 
of  being  stripped  of  the  hard-earned  fruits  of  their  labour,  merely 
because  their  character  or  services  had  elevated  them  to  places  of 
note,  should  arouse  their  indignation.  In  the  infancy  of  the  seve- 
ral discoveries  and  conquests  made  by  the  Spaniards  in  the  New 
"World,  and  at  the  first  establishment  of  colonies,  they  were  com- 
pelled, by  necessity,  to  choose  from  their  own  body  individuals 
to  fill  civil  offices:  and  hence  we  see  those  adventurers,  who 
were  such  resolute  and  fierce  soldiers  in  the  field,  acting  in  the 
capacity  of  judges,  alcaldes,  &c,  in  the  infant  colonies.  This 
inconvenience  was  certainly  not  of  their  own  seeking; — they  had 
achieved  everything  through  their  own  individual  exertions;  and 
it  was  certainly  hard  and  unjust  that  they  should  now  suffer  for 
appointments  over  which  they  had  no  manner  of  control.  But 
there  was  still  an  aggravation  to  this  just  subject  of  complaint. 
The  conquerors  were  to  undergo  such  deprivations,  as,  in  many 
cases,  would  reduce  them  to  comparative  poverty,  at  a  period  of 
life,  too,  when  they  could  no  longer  make  any  vigorous  exertion 
to  improve  their  fortunes.  They  were  to  be  deprived  of  their 
wealth,  when  broken  down  in  constitution  and  enfeebled  by  age 
— when  no  longer  able  to  attempt  new  discoveries,  or  exert  their 
energies  successfully  in  the  field  of  battle. 

These  complaints,  uttered  with  emphasis  by  many,  were  lis- 
tened to  by  all,  with  a  corresponding  sentiment  of  indignation. 
Meetings  were  convened,  consultations  held,  and  resolutions 
formed,  not  only  to  oppose  the  enforcement  of  the  Viceroy's  mea- 
sures, but  to  prevent  the  promulgation  of  those  laws,  with  the 
execution  of  which  he  had  been  intrusted.  The  malcontents, 
being  backed  at  once  by  the  justice  of  their  complaint  and  by  the 
power  of  numbers,  scrupled  not  to  give  publicity  to  their  inten- 
tions; and  accordingly,  the  whole  of  Peru  rang  with  sounds  of 
alarm  and  confusion.  Yaca  de  Castro,  with  that  prudence  and 
address  which  distinguished  his  character,  exerted  himself  to 
ward  off  the  horrors  of  the  impending  storm.     He  perceived  that 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  147 

a  crisis  was  approaching,  in  which  he  himself  would  be  pecu- 
liarly situated.  His  integrity  would  never  allow  him  to  make  the 
least  attempt,  either  by  force  or  stratagem,  against  the  constituted 
authority,  and  he  had  resolved  to  conform  to  the  provisions  made 
by  the  King;  but,  on  the  other  hand  he  knew  that  much  dex- 
terity would  be  necessary  to  induce  the  Spaniards  to  submit  to  the 
great  sacrifices  required  from  them.  In  this  dilemma,  he  was 
loth  either  to  offer  the  least  encouragement  to  them  by  his  con- 
duct, or  to  take  any  measures  which,  by  exasperating  them  fur- 
ther, might  terminate  in  an  explosion.  He  contented  himself, 
therefore,  with  earnestly  conjuring  the  inhabitants  to  comport 
themselves  with  respect  becoming  good  subjects,  and  to  urge  their 
claims,  not  with  unruly  violence,  which  would  argue  against 
them,  but  with  that  manly  moderation  which  betokens  a  good 
cause. 

Vaca  de  Castro  assembled  the  principal  inhabitants,  and  pro- 
mised them,  that,  as  soon  as  the  Viceroy  and  the  members  of  the 
Royal  Audience  should  arrive,  he  would  himself  lay  before  them 
the  first  remonstrances  of  the  people,  and  urge  those  authorities 
to  lend  their  weight  in  sending  a  representation  to  the  King,  for 
a  revocation  of  those  parts  of  the  new  regulations  which  more 
especially  excited  censure  and  condemnation.  Vaca  de  Castro 
knew,  that  a  happy  mixture  of  compliance  and  fortitude — of  qui- 
etness and  strength,  could  alone  remedy  the  evil  with  which 
Peru  was  threatened  ;  and  he  flattered  himself,  that  the  alarming 
symptoms  shown  by  the  inhabitants  would  subside,  should  the 
Viceroy  Nunez  Vela  be  endowed  with  those  virtues  and  qualifica- 
tions which  were  necessary  for  the  high  station  he  had  been  ap- 
pointed to  fill.  But,  unfortunately,  that  personage  was  far  from 
possessing  these  requisites.  Nunez  Vela  was  a  man  of  severe 
habits  and  harsh  temper.  He  had  prescribed  to  himself  a  line  of 
conduct  which  he  resolved  to  follow  without  deviation.  He  con- 
sidered himself  intrusted  with  the  execution  of  laws  emanating 
from  a  just  source,  and  felt  that  a  strict  enforcement  was  solely  to 
be  held  in  view.  Nothing  short  of  the  fulfillment  of  the  King's 
wishes  to  the  utmost  extent  would  satisfy  the  Governor,  and  he 
knew  no  other  means  of  carrying  his  designs  into  effect  but  that 
of  force.  This  was  made  manifest  from  the  moment  he  set  foot 
in  the  New  World ;  and  the  inhabitants  immediately  perceived, 
that  no  sort  of  accommodation  was  to  be  expected  from  a  man  of 
such  an  obstinate  character,  supported  as  he  was  by  legal  autho- 
rity- 

Indeed,  no  sooner  did   Blasco  Nunez  Vela   land  at  Tumbez, 


14S  HISTORY  OF  THE 

March  the  -1th,  than  he  began  to  conduct  himself  in  such  a  man- 
ner, as  to  leave  no  hope  of  peace  or  tranquillity.  Considering 
himself  rather  as  an  executive  ollicer  of  the  crown,  than  as  a  man 
tilling  the  high  station  of  Viceroy,  Vela  began  to  put  in  force  the 
new  regulations,  with  unmitigated  severity.  He  set  the  Indians 
at  liberty  wherever  he  passed,  and  summoned  the  civil  authorities 
to  assist  him  in  his  endeavours  to  enforce  the  new  laws.  Accord- 
ing to  the  letter  of  the  regulations,  he  deprived  every  individual 
who  had  held  office  of  his  lands  and  domestics,  and,  to  give  a 
more  striking  example  of  his  strict  adherence  to  the  essence  of 
the  regulations,  he  would  not  allow  his  own  baggage  to  be  carried 
by  Indians.  In  fine,  he  appeared  deaf  to  the  first  representations, 
and  his  advance  into  the  country  was  beheld  with  equal  dismay 
and  discontent.  His  progress,  indeed,  bore  more  the  semblance 
)f  a  hostile  invasion,  than  the  joyful  entrance  of  a  Viceroy  into 
power.  It  would  be  difficult  to  describe  the  surprise  and  conster- 
nation which  his  arrival  produced  in  every  town  ;  and  these  sen- 
sations were  mournfully  heightened,  by  the  harsh  declaration 
which  he  made  in  public,  that  he  came  firmly  resolved  not  to  dis- 
cuss the  merits  of  the  new  laws,  but  to  put  them  into  rigid  execu- 
tion. 

No  hopes  were  now  entertained  by  Vaca  de  Castro.  That  pru- 
dent and  worthy  man  had  gone  out  in  advance  to  meet  the  Vice- 
roy ;  and,  in  order  to  testify  his  respect  in  a  more  lively  manner, 
he  was  attended  by  a  numerous  retinue  of  the  most  distinguished 
persons.  In  his  progress  towards  Lima,  he  was  met  by  messen- 
gers sent  by  Nunez  Vela,  requiring  him  to  lay  down  his  autho- 
rity, and  acknowledge  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Viceroy.  Vaca  de 
Castro  readily  acquiesced  in  the  requisition,  and  proceeded  on  his 
march,  determined  to  show  every  token  of  deference  and  respect 
towards  the  new  and  legitimate  authority  appointed  over  the  coun- 
try. But,  though  he  himself  subscribed  cheerfully  to  his  fate, 
many  of  his  attendants  could  not  view  with  indifference  the 
haughtiness  and  harshness  with  which  the  Viceroy  conducted 
himself.  A  considerable  number  of  those  who  accompanied  the 
deposed  governor,  now  refused  to  proceed,  and  retraced  their  steps 
to  Cuzco, — some  disgusted  at  the  behaviour  of  Nunez  Vela — others 
asserting  that  the  most  serious  apprehensions  ought  to  be  enter- 
tained regarding  a  man  of  his  character,  and  that  not  only  the 
property,  but  even  the  lives  of  the  Spaniards  were  not  secure, 
while  such  a  person  held  boundless  authority.* 

G.  de  la  Yetcu. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  149 

As  Vaca  de  Castro  was  continuing  his  march,  he  was  met  by 
an  ecclesiastic,  who  informed  him,  that  the  adherents  of  the  Vice- 
roy had  predisposed  that  personage  against  him;  and  that  reports 
injurious  to  him  were  circulated  in  Lima,  which  asserted  that  the 
ex-governor  was  accompanied  bv  a  retinue  so  numerous,  that  it 
could  not  but  afford  just  ground  for  serious  speculation.  Vaca  de 
Castro,  chagrined  at  the  interpretation  put  upon  a  mere  innocent 
display,  requested  those  who  accompanied  him  to  return  to  their 
homes,  in  order  not  to  excite  new  suspicions,  or  strengthen  those 
which  had  been  ahead}'  conceived.  Not  content  with  this  pre- 
caution, he  sent  immediately  a  messenger  to  Nunez  Vela,  signi- 
fying his  readiness  to  obey  in  every  respect  the  power  vested  in 
him,  and  his  willingness  to  conduct  himself  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  afford  no  ground  for  dissatisfaction.  The  Viceroy  appeared 
pleased  with  the  behaviour  of  Vaca  de  Castro,  but  did  not  in  the 
least  abate  the  severity  with  which  he  was  enforcing  the  new 
regulations. 

The  ex-governor,  together  with  some  deputations  from  the  cities, 
met  Nunez  Vela  about  three  leagues  from  Rimac,  and  every  de- 
monstration of  respect  was  paid  to  so  high  a  dignitary.  The  Vice- 
roy, here  again,  in  the  most  decided  terms,  expressed  his  intention 
of  not  abating  in  the  least  the  rigour  with  which  he  determined 
to  carry  into  execution  the  charge  intrusted  to  him  by  the  King. 
To  the  remonstrances  which  were  then  made,  he  gave  a  peremptory 
answer,  indicative  of  the  severity  of  his  views.  Nay,  he  even 
signified  that  every  attempt  made  to  induce  him  to  swerve  from 
the  line  he  had  traced  out,  would  be  considered  in  the  light  of 
treason  and  rebellion.  Still,  notwithstanding  the  unfriendly  senti- 
ments generally  entertained  towards  him,  Nunez  Vela  met  with  a 
reception  corresponding  to  his  rank  and  station.  He  proceeded 
with  great  pomp  and  state  to  the  cathedral,  and,  after  performing  his 
devotions,  he  was  conducted  to  the1  palace  formerly  inhabited  by 
Don  Francis  Pizarro,  which  was  to  be  the  place  of  his  residence. 

Notwithstanding  the  apparent  satisfaction  which  he  had  evinced 
at  the  conduct,  of  Vaca  de  (.'astro,  the  Viceroy  was  not  quite  assured 
with  respect  to  tin;  real  intentions  of  that  distinguished  individual. 
<  >n  the  very  next  day,  he  nave  audience  to  some  persons,  in  order 
to  hear  theirstatements,  and  to  deliberate  on  the  disturbances  which 
had  lately  taken  place  atCuzco.  Either  the  representations  oi 
private  enemies  indisposed  the  Viceroy  against  Vaca  de  Castro. 
or,  what  is  .more  probable,  his  jealous  fear  and  unbending  temper 
prompted  him  to  admit  ungenerous  suspicions;  for  he  soon  alter 
took  a,  step  as  odious  in  the  general  opinion,  as  it  was  violent  and 


150  •    HISTORY  OF  THE 


unjust.  Fie  suddenly  issued  orders  that  Vaca  de  Castro  should  be 
arrested;  a  measure  which  was  immediately  carried  into  execu- 
tion. Nor  was  that  worthy  personage  allowed  to  hear  the  charges 
preferred  against  him,  or  to  present  any  vindication,  but,  without 
the  least  consideration,  he  was  thrown  into  the  public  dungeon, 
and  loaded  with  chains.  This  rash  step  was  reprobated  by  all, 
and  tended  to  confirm  the  sentiments  of  dread  and  abhorrence  with 
which  the  Viceroy  was  beheld,  from  the  moment  that  his  harsh 
and  unbending  character  began  to  be  known.  The  pretext  which 
he  gave  for  the  imprisonment  of  Vaca  de  Castro,  was  as  feeble  as 
the  act  itself  had  been  vexatious.  He  pretended  that  the  ex- 
governor  had  encouraged  the  spirit  of  disaffection  evinced  by  the 
inhabitants  of  Cuzco;*  whereas  it  was  evident  to  all,  that,  far  from 
fanning  the  rising  flame,  Vaca  de  Castro  had  exerted  his  utmost 
endeavours  to  dissuade  the  people  from  acts  of  turbulence,  and 
had  exhorted  them  to  submit  to  the  decrees  of  legal  authority. 

The  Viceroy  did  not  stop  here ;  but,  either  from  a  fatal  confidence 
in  his  own  power,  or  from  a  pride  in  executing  to  the  letter  what 
he  considered  his  duty,  he  continued  in  a  bold  manner  to  give  fur- 
ther proofs  of  his  severity.  Many  eminent  persons  were  thrown 
into  prison  ;  others  were  banished  ;  and  a  few  even  suffered  death 
for  showing  opposition  to  the  tyrannical  disposition  of  the  Viceroy. 
But  this  unadvised  rigour,  far  from  answering  the  desired  effect, 
contributed  materially  to  bring  things  to  a  crisis,  and  to  involve 
the  country  in  a  series  of  troubles  and  misfortunes.  Endurance 
could  go  no  further;  and  the  Spaniards  now  seriously  resolved  to 
shake  off  the  odious  oppression  which  weighed  them  down.  The 
spirit  of  disaffection  spread  rapidly  over  the  country ;  and  it  was 
clearly  perceived,  that  the  dreadful  storm  which  had  been  gath- 
ering, could  now  no  longer  be  avoided. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Unpopularity  of  the  Viceroy — Insurrection  against  him. 

Affairs  had  now  arrived  at  a  most  important  and  danoerous 
crisis.     The  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  Vaca  de  Castro  were  an  act 

*  Zarate. — Fernandez. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  151 

so  daring  and  illegal,  that  the  promoters  and  executers  of  it  knew 
well  they  could  not  remain  unpunished;  and  it  was  therefore  fol- 
lowed by  other  measures  of  a  nature  equally  prompt  and  decisive. 
But  the  temerity  of  the  malcontents  was  not  without  excuse,  as 
great  hopes  of  success  were  entertained  from  the  person  whom 
they  had  chosen  to  be  the  leader  of  their  bold  enterprise.  The 
importance  attached  to  the  name  of  Pizarro,  and  the  respect  which 
it  inspired,  were  not  yet  extinct  in  Peru.  A  member  of  that  re- 
nowned family  was  still  alive;  and  towards  him  the  eve  of  every 
Spaniard  was  turned,  from  the  moment  that  the  new  and  obnoxious 
regulations  became  known. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro,  though  perhaps  inferior  to  his  brothers  in  abili- 
ties, was  certainly  fully  their  equal  in  courage  and  magnanimity. 
He  was,  besides,  endeared  to  many  of  the  adventurers,  from  a 
degree  of  frankness  and  generosity  which  was  foreign  to  both 
Francis  and  Ferdinand.  The  great  services  also  which  he  had 
performed  during  the  conquest  of  Peru,  and  the  renown  which  he 
had  acquired  by  his  extraordinary  though  disastrous  expedition  to 
the  Canela,  all  tended  to  point  him  out  not  only  as  a  rallying-post, 
but  as  the  most  fit  leader  in  so  arduous  an  enterprise.  Accord- 
ingly, private  messengers  and  letters  were  sent  to  him  from  every 
quarter,  requesting  him  to  come  forward  as  the  supporter  of  the 
rights  of  the  Spaniards  against  the  oppressive  measures  which 
weighed  upon  them.  These  invitations  uniformly  ended  with  the 
most  solemn  and  ardent  protestations  of  adherence  to  his  fortunes, 
and  of  willingness  to  perish  in  their  defence. 

Pizarro  was  neither  wanting  in  resolution  to  attempt  the  most 
hazardous  acts,  nor  destitute  of  ambition  ;  but,  for  some  time,  he 
remained  undecided  as  to  the  line  of  conduct  which  he  ought  to 
adopt.  The  unfortunate  issue  that  would  attend  any  violent  com- 
motion in  Peru,  and  the.  inward  dread  which  he  felt  of  opposing' 
what  he  considered  a  constituted  authority,  were  serious  considera- 
tions, that  for  a  long  time  battled  triumphantly  against  his  natural 
inclination.  Yet,  by  dwelling  constantly  on  the  subject,  he  be- 
came familiarized  and  reconciled  to  its  criminality,  while  the  ad- 
vantages assumed  a  dazzling  light  before  his  view.  Put  other 
thoughts  were  ever  ready  to  throw  their  weight  into  the  balance, 
ami  to  turn  the  scale  in  favour  of  the  proposal  made  to  him. 
Feelings  of  disappointment,  and  others  of  a  private  nature,  joined 
their  strength  to  the  interest  of  the  public  cause.  (Joiizalo  Pizarro 
could  never  forget  the  black  ingratitude  with  which  the  Spanish 
court  had  behaved  towards  his  family.  His  brother  Ferdinand 
remained  in  a  dungeon  in  Spain,  while  the  children  ol   Francisco 


152  HISTORY  OF  THE 


were  under  the  custody  of  the  Governor.  He  himself  was  re- 
duced to  the  condition  of  a  private  individual,  without  voice  or 
power  of  any  kind  in  the  affairs  of  those  countries  towards  the 
conquest  of  which  he  had  so  largely  contributed.  These  conside- 
rations inclined  him  to  listen  to  his  companions  in  arms.  At  last, 
a  solemn  deputation  from  four  principal  towns  in  Peru,  removed 
his  remaining  scruples  and  apprehensions  ;  and  he  accordingly 
repaired  to  Cuzco,  where  his  presence  was  required,  accompanied 
only  by  twelve  devoted  friends. 

His  arrival  in  that  city  was  hailed  with  transports  of  joj',  and 
his  entrance  bore  all  the  appearance  of  a  triumph.  The  inhabi- 
tants went  in  advance  to  meet  him,  and  conducted  him  to  Cuzco 
amidst  universal  shouts  of  approbation.  He  was  considered  the 
saviour  of  the  country;  and  every  honour  which  enthusiasm  or 
hope  could  suggest,  was  liberally  bestowed  upon  him.  He  was 
named  Procurator-Gieneral  of  the  Spaniards  in  Peru,  and  appointed 
to  urge  the  repeal  of  the  new  regulations,  which  were  so  unpopu- 
lar. To  this  important  civil  capacity  conferred  on  him  by  the 
city  of  Cuzco,  was  added  a  similar  charge  intrusted  by  La  Plata, 
Guamanga,  and  other  places,  all  of  which  seemed  to  vie  with  each 
other  in  testifying  their  confidence  in  his  ability,  and  their  respect 
for  his  person.  Even  while  the  municipal  bodies  were  conferring 
this  power  on  the  veteran,  the  soldiers,  with  common  accord, 
elected  him  General-in-Chief  of  all  the  forces  in  Peru, — a  title 
perhaps  even  more  gratifying  to  the  warrior  than  the  dignities 
conferred  on  him  by  the  Cabildo. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  received  these  public  testimonials  with  corre- 
sponding demonstrations  of  gratitude.  He  took  a  solemn  oath  to 
discharge  faithfully  the  functions  with  which  he  was  intrusted, 
and  to  defend  the  rights  of  the  people  with  the  last  drop  of  his 
blood.  The  standard  was  now  unfurled  ;  the  drums  sounded  an 
enlivening  march;  and  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people  was  strikingly 
displayed  in  protestations  to  abide  obstinately  by  the  resolution 
which  they  had  taken.  Pizarro,  well  aware  that  the  ultimate  re- 
sult of  this  affair  would  be  an  appeal  to  arms,  immediately  took 
the  most  vigorous  measures  for  putting  himself  in  a  condition  to 
command  respect  from  the  enemy.  Combining,  in  his  own  per- 
son, powers  and  privileges  hitherto  unknown  to  any  Spaniard  in 
Peru,  except  perhaps  his  brother  Francis,  he  resolved  to  avail 
himself  freely  of  all  the  advantages  which  his  unlimited  power 
presented.  He  accordingly  raised  a  body  of  four  hundred  men, 
whom  he  equipped  completely,  and  placed  in  a  state  to  march  at 
the  first  summons.    He  next  seized  on  the  royal  treasure,  appointed 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  153 

officers  for  the  army,  as  well  as  civil  functionaries,  levied  contri- 
butions, and  issued  decrees  ;  all  which,  though  evincing  absolute 
power,  was  nevertheless  not  resented  by  the  public,  as  they  con- 
ceived these  measures  to  be  adopted  for  their  own  welfare. 

It  is  certain  that  Gonzalo  Pizarro  had  not,  at  this  time,  any 
anticipation  of  the  eventful  career  he  was  to  follow,  nor  was  he 
actuated  solely  by  motives  of  ambition  or  revenge.  The  glory 
attached  to  an  assertor  of  the  rights  of  the  people,  had  a  charm  in 
his  eyes  which,  for  a  time,  dazzled  his  imagination:  and  if,  in  the 
sequel,  he  showed  himself,  in  several  of  his  acts,  more  as  a  rebel 
and  a  cruel  aggressor,  the  force  of  circumstances,  as  much  as  vio- 
lence of  temper,  influenced  his  decisions  and  operations.  The 
disaffection  having  acquired  a  decided  character,  many  officers  of 
note  flocked  from  various  parts  of  the  country  to  the  standard  of 
liberty  unfurled  by  Pizarro  ;  and  their  chief,  in  a  short  time, 
found  himself  in  a  situation  to  defy  the  power  of  the  Viceroy. 
He  now  left  Cuzco,  at  the  head  of  a  gallant  and  devoted  army,  and 
pursued  his  march  towards  Lima,  undecided  on  the  line  of"  con- 
duct he  was  eventually  to  follow,  but,  at  the  same  time,  with  little 
apprehension  as  to  the  results,  since  he  neither  feared  the  power 
of  the  Viceroy,  nor  did  he  entertain  the  remotest  doubt  of  his  own 
popularity. 

Meantime,  affairs  did  not  wear  a  promising  aspect  at  Lima. 
Nunez  Vela  was  neither  fitted  to  win  affection  nor  to  command 
respect.  His  manners  were  an  insurmountable  obstacle  to  the 
first,  and  his  imprudence  and  want  of  ability,  to  the  second.  His 
violence  had  alienated  from  him  the  greater  portion  of  his  officers, 
and  had  confirmed  his  enemies  in  their  hostile  intentions,  tie 
could  ill  depend  on  the  sincerity  of  friends,  as  his  haughty  de- 
meanour had  prevented  him  from  gaining  such  valuable  auxiliaries 
to  a  man  in  power.  A  high  degree  of  violence,  tinctured  with 
oppression,  uniformly  characterized  the  measures  adopted  by  the 
Viceroy  of  Peru.  Put  his  administration  was,  perhaps,  not  more 
detested  by  the  people  than  his  overbearing  disposition  was  gall- 
ing to  the  Judges  of  the  Royal  Audience.  Even  during  the  voy- 
age from  Spain,  some  symptoms  of  the  coldness  and  distrust  which 
were  to  exist  between  these  magistrates  and  tin'  Viceroy,  were 
discernible.  The  haughty  temper  of  Nunez  Vela  was  little  cal- 
culated to  conciliate  kindness  and  friendship;  and  the  Judges  had 
too  hi'_d)  a  sense  of  their  own  importance,  to  suffer  tamelv  the 
arrogance  which  the  Viceroy  most  unjustifiably  assumed.  Thus, 
a  new  element  of  discord  now  came  into  play;  and  the  aspect  of 


154  HISTORY  OF  THE 


affairs,  far  from  affording  any  hope  of  amelioration,  became  more 
entangled  and  more  unpromising  than  ever. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  was,  meantime,  increasing  his  forces,  and  plac- 
ing himself  in  an  attitude  to  excite  well-grounded  alarm  in  the 
Viceroy.  He  continued  his  march  without  opposition ;  his  popu- 
larity augmented;  and  several  events  took  place,  that  raised  the 
most  sanguine  expectations  among  his  followers.  Nunez  Vela, 
perceiving  the  state  of  affairs,  and  naturally  suspecting  that  the 
most  violent  events  were  to  be  anticipated  from  the  character  and 
resources  of  Pizarro,  made  every  preparation  for  hostilities.  He 
knew  that  the  latter  would  be  imperious  in  his  demands,  and  that 
he  would  require  the  abolition  of  those  laws  which  he  had  devoted 
himself  to  uphold.  His  own  unpopularity  offered  great  obstacles 
to  the  furtherance  of  his  plans ;  for,  though  invested  with  authority 
little  less  than  absolute  over  Peru,  he  found  it  would  be  extremely 
difficult  to  raise  an  army  sufficient  to  defend  his  cause,  should 
Gonzalo  Pizarro,  as  he  suspected,  be  determined  on  carrying  his 
point  by  violence,  on  the  failure  of  other  means.  Nunez  Vela 
derived,  besides,  little  help  from  the  exertions  of  his  functionaries 
and  principal  officers;  a  degree,  not  only  of  apathy,  but  of  wilful 
neglect,  being  visible  in  every  proceeding.  But  even  this  was 
not  the  greatest  evil  with  which  the  Viceroy  had  to  contend.  With 
feelings  of  disappointment  and  anger,  he  soon  perceived  that  he 
could  not  confide  in  his  officers,  who  made  no  scruple  of  deserting 
to  Pizarro  with  the  men  intrusted  to  their  care. 

Pedro  de  Puelles,  a  captain  of  distinction,  who  had  been  the 
lieutenant  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  at  Quito,  no  sooner  learned  that  his 
former  chief  was  advancing  towards  Lima  at  the  head  of  an  armed 
body  to  solicit  redress,  than  he  hastened  to  join  the  standard  of 
revolt;  taking  along  with  him  nearly  a  hundred  men,  the  greater 
part  of  whom  were  cavalry.  The  intelligence  of  this  fact  enraged 
the  Viceroy,  who  immediately  dispatched  Gonzalo  Diaz,  with  a 
sufficient  force,  to  prevent  a  junction  between  Puelles  and  Pizarro. 
But  Diaz  proved  not  more  faithful  to  his  duty.  Instead  of  dis- 
charging his  commission,  he  persuaded  his  men  to  follow  the  ex- 
ample of  Puelles,  and  they  altogether  joined  the  army  of  Pizarro 
at  Guamanga.  These  desertions  soon  after  produced  others;  so 
that  Nunez  Vela,  despairing  of  obtaining  any  good  result  from  re- 
liance on  his  officers,  now  determined  to  conduct  every  operation 
in  person.  Thwarted  in  every  measure  by  the  Judges,  deserted 
by  the  soldiers,  and  hated  by  the  public  in  general,  the  bitterness 
of  his  temper  increased,  and  the  tendency  of  his  measures  dis- 
pla  yed  greater  severity.    But  an  atrocious  act,  which  he  committed 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  155 


at  this  time,  filled  up  the  measure  of  his  unpopularity,  and  precipi- 
tated his  downfall.     It  was  as  follows: — 

Illen  Suarez,  being  suspected  by  the  Viceroy  of  conniving  at 
the  desertion  of  his  relatives  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  and  even  of  aiding 
them  in  their  design,  excited  so  strongly  the  displeasure  of  Nunez 
Vela,  that  he  resolved  to  imprison  him  immediately,  and  act  towards 
him  with  the  utmost  rigour  of  the  law.  Fie,  accordingly,  ordered 
his  brother  to  proceed  with  a  party  of  musketeers  to  the  dwelling 
of  Suarez,  in  the  stillness  of  night,  and  to  bring  him  into  his 
presence.  These  injunctions  were  strictly  obeyed ;  and  the  ob- 
noxious individual  being  surprised  in  bed,  was  commanded  in  an 
imperious  tone  to  rise,  and  was  conducted  with  contumely  to  the 
Viceroy.  But  no  sooner  had  Suarez  come  within  his  presence, 
than  the  indignant  Nunez  Vela  cried  out  with  the  greatest  violence, 
"  Traitor !  thou  hast  sent  thy  nephews  to  join  Pizarro."  To  which 
Suarez  answered  calmly,  "Sir,  I  am  no  traitor."  "  I  swear  by 
Heaven  thou  art  a  traitor !"  repeated  the  Viceroy  in  greater  wrath  ; 
"  and  I  swear  to  Heaven  I  am  not !"  retorted  Suarez  with  fortitude. 
Hereupon  the  Viceroy,  enraged  beyond  the  power  of  control, 
rushed  against  his  victim,  and  struck  him  with  a  dagger  in  the 
breast.  His  attendants  then  closed  upon  the  unfortunate  man, 
and  murdered  him,  without  his  being  able  to  vindicate  himself,  or 
even  to  make  any  resistance.* 

The  mysterious  disappearance  of  Suarez,  and  the  unfavourable 
rumours  which  were  spread  regarding  the  Viceroy's  conduct  in 
that  affair,  excited  the  popular  feeling  more  powerfully  against 
him.  But,  if  he  had  to  contend  with  the  disadvantage  of  public 
odium,  his  perplexities  were  tenfold  increased  by  the  decided  want 
of  cordiality  between  him  and  the  Judges  of  the  Royal  Audience. 
This  absence  of  union  had  gradually  increased,  till  it  ripened  at 
length  into  a  settled  hatred  between  the  two  parties,  and  an  evident 
determination  to  thwart  each  other  in  everything.  The  Viceroy, 
instead  of  trying  to  win  the  Judges  by  conciliatory  measures,  at  a 
time  when  their  co-operation  was  so  essential  to  his  cause,  treated 
thrin  with  arrogance,  and  threatened  them  with  the  effects  of  the 
royal  displeasure.  The  Judges,  on  their  side,  far  from  being  in- 
timidated by  the  threats  of  the  Viceroy,  treated  them  with  sove- 
reign contempt.  It  was  enough,  that  he  proposed  any  measure, 
for  their  immediately  exerting  all  their  influence  to  oppose  it;  so 
that,  at  a  time  when  the  public  tranquillity  required  a  perfect  union 
between  the  Viceroy  and  the  Judges,  both  parties    seemed    intent 

*  Zarate. — Fernandez. 


156  HISTORY  OF  THE 


on  displaying  the  hatred  by  which  they  were  animated  towards 
each  other.  The  Judges  went  still  further  in  their  opposition, 
which  was  no  longer  confined  to  words,  or  to  affairs  under  their 
own  cognizance,  but  extended  itself  even  to  measures  which  came 
more  immediately  under  the  authority  of  the  Viceroy.  They  set 
every  prisoner  at  liberty,  joined  in  the  cry  against  the  Viceroy,  and 
applauded  the  malcontents  in  their  remonstrances. 

Blasco  Nunez  Vela  perceived,  that  he  had  now  a  more  redoubta- 
ble enemy  to  contend  with  than  even  Pizarro  himself.  The  Judges 
had  assumed  an  attitude  which  indicated  their  stern  resolution  of 
hurling  him  from  his  elevation;  and.  however  apprehensive  he 
might  be  with  regard  to  the  future  proceedings  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro, 
he  still  well  knew,  that,  to  crush  the  enemy  within  the  city,  was 
an  object  of  more  immediate  importance.  The  greatest  ferment 
now  reigned  in  Lima.  The  public  were  divided  into  two  parties; 
one  upholding  the  Viceroy,  the  other  seconding  the  Judges;  but 
though  the  latter  class  was  the  more  popular,  and  superior  in  point 
of  numbers,  yet  the  former  claimed  the  ascendency  on  the  score 
of  positive  strength.  The  Vicerov  had  the  command  of  the  sol- 
diers, and  was,  besides,  surrounded  by  the  officers  of  the  crown 
and  many  other  persons  of  note,  who,  though  perhaps  against  their 
inclination,  followed  a  course  which  bore  apparentlv  the  impress 
of  legitimate  authority.  The  Viceroy  now  proceeded  to  barricade 
sever;]]  streets,  and  to  fortifv  his  own  residence.  He  surrounded 
himself  with  guards,  and  began  to  patrol  the  city.  The  inhabi- 
tants looked  forward,  with  amazement  and  suspense,  to  the  issue 
of  such  strange  preparations.  The  alarm  was  sounded,  proclama- 
tions were  made  to  the  inhabitants,  and  everything  portended  the 
eve  of  some  momentous  crisis.  The  Vicerov  commanded  a  force 
of  above  four  hundred  men;  and  as  he  had  taken  in  time  the  most 
vigorous  measures  of  precaution,  the  adherents  of  the  Judges  began 
to  apprehend  some  fatal  catastrophe. 

In  this  critical  juncture,  the  more  stanch  partisans  of  the  ma- 
gistrates assembled  in  secret,  but  seemed  undecided  what  course 
to  pursue.  They  considered  their  cause  desperate,  as  the  army, 
notwithstanding  the  most  flattering  anticipations,  had  so  obstinately 
adhered  to  the  Viceroy.  In  this  emergency,  however,  Francisco 
de  Escobar,  a  person  of  note  and  authority,  exclaimed  with  bold 
decision — "Gentlemen,  why  remain  here,  to  be  surprised,  arrested, 
and  executed  like  slaves  .' — let  us  sally  out,  and.  if  we  must  perish, 
let  us.  at  all  events,  meet  with  an  honourable  death!"  This  noble 
spirit  was  caught  by  the  rest  of  the  party,  and,  with  unanimous 
accord,  they  rushed  out  of  the  house,  and  hastened  to  the  public 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  157 


square,  though  totally  undecided  what  they  ouoht  to  do,  and  trust- 
ing probably  to  the  favour  of  chance,  to  which  some  ascribe  such 
decided  influence  in  determining  the  character  of  momentous 
events. 

It  was  midnight  ;  and  the  Viceroy,  fatigued  with  the  exer- 
tions of  the  day,  and  satisfied  with  the  arrangements  made,  had 
been  persuaded  to  retire  to  rest.  His  residence  was  surrounded 
with  strong  detachments  of  soldiers,  and  any  attempt  against  it 
could  only  be  viewed  as  madness.  At  this  moment,  when  the 
Judges  and  their  followers  had  abandoned  every  hope,  they  were 
no  less  surprised  than  overjoyed,  to  perceive  two  olikers,  Robles 
and  Ribera,  who  were  stationed  at  the  door  of  the  Viceroy's  dwell- 
ing, quit  their  post,  together  with  the  men  under  their  command, 
and  hasten  to  join  the  adverse  party.  This  fatal  example  was 
soon  followed  by  others;  and  the  desertion  became  in  a  few 
moments  so  general,  that  ere  long  the  palace  was  left  destitute  of 
defence,  except  what  could  be  expected  from  a  hundred  men  whom 
the  Viceroy  had  posted  within  doors." 

This  sudden  turn  in  the  aspect  of  affairs  enabbd  the  Judges  to 
assume  a  threatening  attitude.  From  the  depth  of  despair  they 
found  themselves  instantaneously  raised  to  the  pinnacle  of  hope, 
and  they  resolved  not  to  mar  the  turn  of  fortune  in  their  favour, 
by  neglecting  those  exertions  which  were  now  requisite  for  de- 
ciding the  successful  party.  At  the  first  dawn  of  day,  they  issued 
a  proclamation,  in  which  they  endeavoured  to  conciliate  the  minds 
of  the  public  towards  the  design  which  they  had  in  contemplation 
— the  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  the  A'iceroy.  The  concourse  of 
people  assembling  from  every  side  was  very  great,  and  symptoms 
of  tumult  became  apparent.  At  this  moment,  several  shots  were 
fired  from  the  windows  of  the  Viceroy's  residence,  which  so  far 
exasperated  the  soldiers  who  had  recently  espoused  the  cause  of 
the  Judges,  that  they  loudly  signified  their  determination  to  invest 
the  palace  and  carry  it  by  assault.  But  the  Judges,  being  unwil- 
ling to  employ  violence,  unless  in  a  case  of  extremity,  earnestly 
dissuaded  their  followers  from  [tutting  their  rash  design  into  exe- 
cution, alleging  that  the.  affair  would  only  be  productive  of  disas- 
ter, by  an  unnecessary  effusion  of  Spanish  blood.  The  soldiers 
being  diverted  from  their  purpose,  the  Judges  sent  a  friar  along 
with  an  officer  on  a  parley  with  the  A'iceroy.  The  latter  was  in- 
vited to  come  to  the  cathedral,  there  to  have  an  interview  with 
the  adverse  party,  and  was  earnestly  conjured    not  to  oiler  an} 

*   Zarate. — G.  de  la  Vega. 


15S  HISTORY  OF  THE 

resistance,  as  such  rashness  would  only  tend  to  the  injury  of  him- 
self, as  well  as  of  those  who  foolishly  attempted  to  defend  the 
palace. 

Upon  the  approach  of  the  embassy,  the  hundred  men  that 
guarded  the  palace,  and  who  had  hitherto  remained  faithful  to 
their  post,  suddenly  deserted,  leaving  the  Viceroy  without  a  single 
man.  This  junction  was  most  favourable  for  the  party  of  the 
Judges.  The  whole  city  declared  for  them;  for  those  who  had, 
until  now,  preserved  a  prudent  neutrality,  would  not,  under  pre- 
sent circumstances,  adhere  to  the  same  line  of  conduct.  The  dis- 
grace of  the  Viceroy  was  accompanied  with  those  excesses  which 
generally  mark  the  downfall  of  a  man  in  power,  when  he  has 
rendered  himself  peculiarly  unpopular.  The  soldiers  burst  into 
his  house,  and,  together  with  numerous  parties  of  the  people, 
began  to  make  free  with  every  article  of  value  which  it  contained. 
Nunez  Vela,  alarmed  at  so  unexpected  a  calamity,  and  scarcely 
believing  that  so  complete  a  reverse  could  happen  to  him,  for  a 
few  moments  hesitated  what  course  to  pursue;  but,  judging  pru- 
dently, that  he  would  act  more  wisely  in  surrendering  at  once  to 
his  enemies,  than  in  exposing  himself  to  the  lawless  and  unre- 
strained license  of  the  soldiery,  he  issued  from  his  house  by  a 
secret  door,  and  hastened  to  the  cathedral,  where  he  gave  himself 
up  to  the  Judges. 

The  Viceroy  surrendered  on  the  18th  of  September:  and  from 
that  moment  his  enemies  considered  their  triumph  complete. 
Nunez  Vela,  had,  indeed,  made  himself  so  generally  detested. 
that  his  downfall  was  unalleviated  by  the  least  token  of  sympathy, 
whilst  shouts  of  joy  and  congratulation  resounded  everywhere 
from  an  anxious  people,  who  anticipated  a  redress  of  all  their 
grievances  from  their  Judges.  The  first  care  of  those  functionaries 
was  to  dispose  of  their  prisoner.  After  a  short  deliberation,  they 
resolved  to  send  him  back  to  Spain,  without  reflecting  on  the  im- 
prudence of  such  a  step,  as  the  ex-viceroy  would  seize  every 
opportunity,  and  exert  every  endeavour,  to  paint  their  conduct  in 
the  most  criminal  light.  But  the  Judges  were  so  elated  with  their 
recent  and  unexpected  triumph,  that,  in  their  enjoyment  of  the 
present,  they  completely  overlooked  the  dangers  of  the  future. 
The  Viceroy  was  immediately  hurried  to  the  coast  to  be  embarked  ; 
but  some  difficulty  occurred  at  first  in  the  accomplishment  of  this 
object.  The  Admiral,  Alvarez  Castro,  refused  to  submit  to  the 
orders  of  the  Judges,  whose  power  he  considered  usurped;  and 
he  even  ventured  to  threaten  them  with  hostilities.  The  firm  and 
resolute  conduct  of  the  Judges,  however,  was  crowned  with  sue- 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  159 

cess.  On  their  intimating  that  the  head  of  Nunez  Vela  should 
answer  for  the  Admiral's  disobedience,  that  officer  was  at  length 
obliged  to  acquiesce  in  what  was  imperiously  demanded.  He  set 
on  shore  the  children  of  Francis  Pizarro;  and  consented  to  take 
the  ex-viceroy  aboard.  Nunez  Vela  was  now  conducted  to  a  small 
island,  previous  to  his  departure  for  Spain,  where  it  was  deter- 
mined he  should  repair  in  company  of  the  Judge  Alvarez,  who 
was  selected  to  prefer  to  the  Spanish  court  the  charges  that 
weighed  against  the  ex-viceroy,  as  well  as  to  place  their  own 
conduct  in  the  most  favourable  point  of  view.* 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Gonzalo   Pizarro    enters   Lima,  and  causes  himself  to  be  elevated  to  supreme 
power  in  Peru. 

The  Judges  were  now  placed  at  the  helm  of  power.  Their 
jurisdiction  was  recognized  by  the  city,  and  every  one  seemed 
overjoyed  at  the  present  change  of  affairs.  A  proclamation  was 
immediately  issued,  in  which  a  suspension  of  the  new  regulations, 
the  origin  of  all  these  disturbances,  was  ordered.  Still,  when  the 
magistrates  began  to  reflect  on  their  present  situation,  they  could 
not  disguise  from  themselves  a  certain  feeling  of  alarm  and  dread, 
at  the  peculiarity  of  the  circumstances  under  which  they  were 
placed.  Though  the  obnoxious  Viceroy  had  been  hurled  from  his 
elevation,  they  conceived  that  the  prospect  of  fresh  disorders  was 
not  completely  banished  from  Peru.  They  turned  their  anxious 
eyes  towards  Pizarro  ;  and,  in  that  individual,  beheld  an  object 
capable  of  exciting  well-grounded  fears.  That  captain  was  attended 
by  a  numerous  and  gallant  army;  and,  viewing  the  natural  bent 
of  his  character,  as  well  as  the  unsettled  state  of  affairs,  every- 
thing was  to  be  apprehended  from  the  development  of  his  ambition. 

They  could  not  certainly  hope  that  a  man  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro's 
character,  and  at  the  head  of  such  a  force,  would  quietly  submit 
to  what  was  required  of  him:  hut,  either  to  sound  the  extent  ol 
his  intentions,  or  merely  to  comply  with  forms,  the  Judges  deter- 
mined to  send  a  message  to  that  commander.      In  it  he  was  to  be 

*   Zarate. — Gomara. — G.  de  la  Vega. 


1G0  HISTORY  OF  THE 

informed,  that  as  the  ohject  which  had  induced  the  inhabitants  of 
Cuzco  to  name  him  Procurator-General  for  the  Spaniards,  was  now 
completely  accomplished  by  the  downfall  of  the  Viceroy,  and  the 
suspension  of  the  obnoxious  laws,  he  should  immediately  dismiss 
his  army,  and  repair  to  Lima  without  delay,  accompanied  only  by 
fifteen  or  twenty  attendants.  It  was  nut  easy,  however,  to  find 
competent  persons  to  take  charge  of  such  a  message.  Every  one 
was  averse  to  a  commission,  so  pregnant  with  danger,  considering 
both  the  temper  and  the  power  of  the  man  to  whom  so  disagree- 
able a  requisition  was  to  be  made.  At  length  the  licentiate  Au- 
gustin  de  Zarate,*  and  A.  Ribera,  consented  to  charge  themselves 
with  the  obnoxious  message,  and  departed  for  the  Vale  of  Jauja, 
where  the  army  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  then  encamped.  But 
Pizarro,  being  informed  in  time  of  the  intended  embassy,  and  11  ar- 
ing  that,  should  the  delegates  appear  before  the  army,  and  notify 
the  demand  of  the  Judges,  the  requisition  would  be  attended  with 
much  confusion  among  the  soldiers — who  were  all  eager  to  pro- 
ceed towards  Lima  in  military  array — immediately  sent  Villegas, 
one  of  his  captains,  with  thirty  horsemen,  to  intercept  the  mes- 
sengers. This  was  accomplished  without  difficulty.  Zarate,  who 
carried  the  dispatches,  was  arrested,  and  conducted  to  Pariacaca, 
there  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  General. t 

Nothing  was  more  distant  from  the  mind  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
than  to  comply  with  the  requisition  of  the  Judges.  Never  had  a 
combination  of  circumstances  more  favourable  and  unexpected 
presented  themselves  for  the  exercise  of  his  powers,  and  lus  attain- 
ment to  the  highest  point  of  his  ambition.  Pizarro  had  left  Cuzco 
as  Procurator-General  of  the  Spaniards.  That  office  seemed  at 
the  time  to  satisfy  him  ;  but  in  proportion  to  the  march  of  affairs, 
he  saw  new  and  more  ample  prospects  open  before  him.  The 
disturbances  at  Lima,  the  imprisonment  of  the  Viceroy,  and  the 
usurped  jurisdiction  of  the  Judges,  together  with  the  confusion 
and  uncertainty  which  these  various  events  had  produced  in  the 
country,  offered  an  opportunity  to  Pizarro  of  aiming  at  supreme 
command,  which  he  inwardly  resolved  not  to  neglect.  He  pos- 
sessed the  advantage  of  an  illustrious  name  in  arms;  he  was  at- 
tended by  almost  every  officer  of  note  in  Peru;  and  he  commanded 
an  army  such  as  had  been  seldom  united  under  one  commander 
in  those  parts  of  America. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  enemy  with  whom  he  had  to  contend 
could  not   inspire  a  single  apprehension  as  to  the  result  of  the 

*  The  Historian.  t  Zarate. — G.  de  la  Ve^a. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  161 

contest.  Not  only  were  the  judges  destitute  of  resources  sufficient 
to  offer  resistance  to  the  veterans  of  Pizarro,  but,  from  their  civil 
capacities,  they  were  wholly  unfit  to  conduct  the  operations  of 
war.  Besides,  the  popularity  which  they  enjoyed  was  of  that 
ephemeral  description  which  is  fanned  into  life  by  the  passing- 
shouts  of  a  discontented  public,  and  which  dies  a  natural  death 
when  its  object  has  been  accomplished.  The  power  of  the  Judges 
had  no  sufficient  basis  in  the  respect  created  by  their  character, 
or  in  the  paramount  authority  which  they  assumed.  Neither  the 
one  nor  the  other  could  stand  against  a  popular  leader,  and  a 
brave  and  numerous  army.  They  acted,  besides,  without  the 
royal  sanction,  and  could  not  but  be  considered  as  usurpers — even 
by  that  people  whose  interests  they  had  asserted — from  the  mo- 
ment that  their  continuance  in  power  was  no  longer  necessary. 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  well  aware  of  all  this,  and  had  even  made  up 
his  mind  with  respect  to  the  plans  he  should  adopt.  These  were 
naturally  of  the  most  decisive  nature,' — according  with  the  sugges- 
tions of  his  intrepid  mind;  but,  even  supposing  that  reasons  might 
arise  for  delay,  several  circumstances  concurred  at  the  time,  to 
strengthen  the  resolution  he  had  already  formed. 

Francisco  Car vajal, an  officer  distinguished  alike  for  his  singular 
courage,  and  for  his  great  abilities,  enjoyed  the  full  confidence  of 
Pizarro,  and  to  his  advice  that  commander  paid  implicit  regard. 
Carvajal  having  spent  his  life  in  the  camp,  was  a  consummate 
master  in  the  tactics  of  war.  He  was  at  the  same  time  an  ardent 
advocate  for  measures  of  boldness  and  decision.  From  the  moment 
that  he  perceived  the  unsettled  state  of  affairs  in  Peru,  he  saw  that 
a  path  was  opened  for  the  fortunes  of  Pizarro,  should  that  chief 
hasten  to  avail  himself  of  the  advantage.  He  therefore  urged  the 
General  to  lay  down  the  functions  of  procurator  of  the  Spanish 
colonies,  and  to  aim  at  a  higher  station.  Nothing  ought,  he  said, 
to  satisfy  Pizarro  with  the  power  which  he  now  had  of  enforcing 
obedience,  but  to  be  named  ( Governor  of  Peru,  and  Captain-general 
of  its  armies.  Such  were  the  views  of  Carvajal,  and  Pizarro  most 
readilv  joined  in  them.  But,  if  anything  was  wanted  to  remove 
every  doubt  from  his  mind,  and  to  give  fresh  impulse'  to  his  ambi- 
tion, that  was  soon  supplied  by  the  aid  which  one  of  the  Judges 
afforded  him. 

Cepeda,  then  president  of  the  Royal  Audience,  though  appa- 
rently in  the  interests  of  the  body  over  whom  lie  presided,  seems 
nevertheless  to  have  carried  on  a  clandestine  correspondence  with 
Gonzalo  Pizarro.  Bred  to  all  the  subtleties  of  the  law,  and  pos- 
se-Mil of  that  natural  shrewdness  and  petty  cunning  which  adapt 
11 


162  HISTORY  OF  THE 


men  rather  to  crawl  their  way  through  the  routine  of  office  and 
the  maneuvers  of  intrigue,  than  to  claim  eminence  and  command 
respect  by  the  agency  of  superior  merit  and  genius,  this  magistrate 
had  tact  enough  to  perceive  the  frail  tenure  by  which  he  held  his 
present  power.  He  knew  that  he  must  be  inevitably  deprived, 
in  a  short  time,  of  every  vestige  of  it;  and  he  seemed  willing  to 
make  ample  sacrifices,  in  order  to  save  some  stakes  in  the  desperate 
game  which  he  was  now  playing.  Cepeda  was  anxious  to  concili- 
ate the  favour  of  that  party  on  whose  side  the  scale  of  fortune  was 
so  sure  to  preponderate.  It  was  the  only  hope  left  for  the  exercise 
of  his  intriguing  spirit.  His  rebellion  against  the  viceroy  would 
render  him  obnoxious  to  those  who  might  still  secretly  adhere  to 
the  cause  of  legitimate  authority.  Besides,  a  return  to  his  duty, 
when  he  could  entertain  no  expectations  from  such  a  step,  was 
impolitic.  Accordingly,  a  collusion  with  Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  the 
only  alternative  left  him ;  and  he  did  not  hesitate  to  embrace  it 
with  readiness  and  decision. 

Meanwhile  Gonzalo  Pizarro  continued  his  march  until  he  arrived 
within  a  mile  of  the  city  of  Lima,  where  he  halted.  He  then  sent  a 
summons  to  the  Judges,  requiringthemto  recognize  him  as  Governor 
and  Captain-general  of  Peru.  This  demand  carried  with  it  all  that 
weight  which  the  imperious  law  of  necessity  conveys.  The  general 
who  sent  the  message  was  in  a  state  to  enforce  its  fulfillment.  Pi- 
zarro commanded  an  army  of  about  twelve  hundred  men,  and  was 
now  encamped  before  a  city  wholly  unprepared  for  defence,  with- 
out a  leader,  officers  or  soldiers,  or  the  least  prospect  of  successful 
opposition.  Yet,  either  as  a  matter  of  form,  or  from  the  reluctance 
of  some  members  of  the  Audience  to  relinquish  their  power,  they 
seemed  to  demur,  notwithstanding  the  total  inability  under  which 
they  lay  of  maintaining  a  contest.  The  hesitation  among  the 
Judges  occasioned  a  loss  of  time,  which  was  extremely  irksome 
to  Pizarro.  He  was  impatient  to  bring  affairs  to  a  termination  ; 
and,  as  the  Audience  did  not  acquiesce  with  that  promptitude  which 
his  power  gave  him  ground  to  expect,  he  resolved  to  spend  no  more 
time  in  parley,  but  to  proceed  forthwith  to  active  measures. 

Carvajal,  at  the  head  of  a  competent  body,  then  marched  into 
the  city,  and,  without  opposition,  arrested  twenty-eight  persons 
who  were  the  most  noted  in  the  place,  either  from  their  station,  or 
from  their  known  disaffection  to  Pizarro.  The  conduct  of  Carvajal 
on  the  present  occasion,  if  laudable  on  the  one  hand  for  promptness 
and  decision,  was,  on  the  other,  deserving  of  reprobation,  for  the 
degree  of  cruelty  with  which  it  was  tinctured.  On  the  following 
morning,  he   took  out  of  prison   three  of  the  captives,  Pedro  del 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  163 

Barco.  M.  Florencia,  and  Juan  Saavedra,  and,  without  any  form 
of  trial,  ordered  them  to  be  hanged  on  a  tree  at  the  entrance  to  the 
city.  The  atrocity  of  this  deed  was  further  aggravated  by  the 
levity  of  behaviour  displayed  by  Carvajal  during  the  horrid  scene. 
That  veteran,  now  approaching  fourscore  years  of  age,  and  stand- 
ing, as  it  were,  on  the  threshold  of  the  crave,  did  not  blush  to 
mock  those  unfortunates,  and  utter  taunts  against  them.  Nay, 
he  even  ridiculed  them,  when  they  complained  of  being  sent  out 
of  the  world  without  due  preparation,  and  without  the  consolations 
of  religion.  This  dreadful  proceeding,  joined  to  the  resolute 
threats  uttered  by  Carvajal,  that  he  would  not  only  inflict  a  similar 
fate  on  those  who  made  any  opposition  to  the  nomination  of  Pi- 
zarro,  but  would  also  give  up  the  city  to  fire  and  sword,  produced 
the  desired  effect.  The  Judges,  filled  with  horror,  and  dreading 
that  Carvajal  would  carry  his  menace  into  execution  without  de- 
lay, subscribed  to  everything  he  required.* 

The  execution  of  Pedro  del  Barco  and  his  unfortunate  compan- 
ions, had  struck  such  terror  into  the  minds  of  the  Spaniards,  that 
several  deputations  were  sent  to  Pizarro,  in  order  to  supplicate  that 
commander  to  put  a  check  to  the  ferocious  conduct  of  his  lieuten- 
ant. These  appeals  were  listened  to  with  due  attention  by  the 
C4eneral,  who,  it  appears,  was  in  no  manner  concerned  in  the  ex- 
cesses committed  by  Carvajal.  In  sending  his  principal  supporter 
into  the  city,  it  had  never  been  his  intention  that  he  should  proceed 
to  such  cruel  and  summarv  measures;  and  accordingly,  he  deeply 
deplored  such  melancholy  results.  He  immediately  ordered  Car- 
vajal to  desist  from  such  a  rigorous  display  of  authority,  and  to  set  at 
liberty  all  those  who  had  been  consigned  to  prison.  At  the  same 
time,  as  if  dreading  the  resolute  and  reckless  character  of  Carvajal, 
he  tempered  his  commands  with  the  soothing  influenceof  a  present, 
which  he  bestowed  on  him  under  pretext  of  evincing  regard  for 
the  zeal  which  he  had  displayed  in  his  cause.  He  likewise  or- 
dered, that  the  bodies  of  those  who  had  been  executed  should  be 
cut  down  previously  to  his  entering  the  city,  being  unwilling  to 
meet  any  such  horrid  spectacle  on  so  joyful  an  occasion.  He  then 
prepared  to  make  his  solemn  entrance  into  the  city — an  event 
which  seemed  now  to  be  equally  desired  by  the  soldiers  and  the 
inhabitants,  as  every  one  anticipated  that  a  better  and  more  per- 
manent order  of  things  would  follow  from  the  nomination  of  Pi- 
zarro to  the  supreme  power.! 

The  General  drew  up  his  whole  army  in   military  array,  and, 

*  Zarate. — G.  de  la  Vena.  t  Fernandez. — G.  de  la  Vega. 


164  HISTORY  OF  THE 

with  all  due  state,  made  his  entry  into  Lima  on  the  28th  of  Octo- 
ber 1511,  about  forty  days  after  the  arrest  of  the  Viceroy.  lie 
then  proceeded,  attended  by  his  principal  officers,  to  the  residence 
of  Zarate,  where  the  Judges  were  assembled.  A  strong  detach- 
ment of  the  army  formed  in  front  of  the  square,  while  the  General 
entered  the  residence,  and  was  acknowledged  by  the  Judges, 
Governor  and  Captain-general  of  the  kingdom  of  Peru.  The  oaths 
having  been  administered  in  due  form,  Pizarro  then  proceeded  to 
the  Municipal  Body,  where  the  same  ceremony  took  place.  From 
that  moment  his  power  was  fully  acknowledged  and  established. 

The  recognition  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  as  Governor  of  Peru,  was 
celebrated  with  extraordinary  demonstrations  of  joy.  Tournaments, 
bull-fights  and  music  testified  the  popular  feeling;  and  the  first 
days  of  the  new  government  were  spent,  as  if  the  happiest  pros- 
pects were  about  to  open  on  the  inhabitants  of  the  country.  But 
these  appearances  were  like  the  rays  of  the  cheerless  winter  sun, 
that  illumine  for  a  moment,  but  leave  no  traces  of  their  vivifying 
influence.  Severe  trials  were  about  to  oppress  this  devoted  land; 
and  the  present  happiness  of  the  people  seemed  as  if  intended  to 
render  their  impending  misfortunes  more  galling  and  insupporta- 
ble. Gonzalo  Pizarro,  though  not  so  sanguinary  as  his  brothers, 
was  nevertheless  invested  with  a  certain  rigour  of  disposition, 
which,  on  many  occasions,  led  him  to  the  commission  of  sanguin- 
ary acts.  In  the  present  posture  of  affairs,  severity  was,  indeed, 
in  some  measure,  indispensable; — it  was  not  easy  for  a  newly- 
constituted  government  to  extinguish  the  elements  of  disturbance 
and  rebellion,  without  showing,  from  the  very  commencement,  a 
decided  firmness,  and  even  rigour.  The  partial  executions,  there- 
fore, and  other  punishments,  which  took  place  under  such  circum- 
stances, find  great  palliation  in  the  extreme  etlervescence  of  the 
times;  still  there  was  no  excuse  for  the  brutality  of  their  infliction. 
Carvajal,  the  prime  agent,  counselor,  and  confident  of  Pizarro, 
displayed,  on  every  occasion,  a  sort  of  ferocious  pleasure  in  sport- 
ing with  human  misery,  and  evinced,  throughout  his  career  in 
Peru,  such  a  ruthless  disposition,  as  to  have  attached  horror  to  his 
memory.  His  conduct  had  a  most  fatal  influence  on  many  of  the 
acts  of  Pizarro,  and  has  contributed  much  to  the  odium  with 
which  that  officer  has  been  regarded  by  posterity. 

Among  other  atrocious  deeds,  Carvajal,  hearing  that  the  Gover- 
nor had  reason  to  complain  of  the  conduct  of  Captain  Gumiel,  an 
officer  attached  to  the  fallen  party,  immediately  proceeded  to  the 
dwelling  of  the  obnoxious  soldier,  and,  without  any  form  of  trial, 
or  other  preliminary  measure,  caused  him  to  be  strangled.     The 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  165 


unjustifiable  cruelty  of  this  act  was  aggravated  by  the  deportment 
of  Carvajal  on  the  occasion.  He  ordered  the  lifeless  body  to  be 
taken  to  the  public  square,  and  as  he  accompanied  it  from  the 
house  of  the  deceased,  he  pretended  to  weep,  exclaiming  in  mock- 
ery : — "  Make  way,  gentlemen,  make  way,  for  here  comes  the 
famous  Captain  Gumiel,  who  has  sworn  to  be  quiet  for  the  future."* 
Such  proceedings  could  not  fail  to  prejudice  the  minds  of  many 
against  the  present  order  of  things.  Indeed,  in  the  series  of  dis- 
orders and  troubles  which  succeeded  each  other  with  such  extra- 
ordinary rapidity,  it  was  not  easy  to  establish  regularity  in  a  short 
period  of  time  ;  and  it  required  the  lapse  of  years,  before  men, 
accustomed  to  tumult  and  excitement,  could  regain  the  tone  of 
mind  necessary  to  view  with  respect  a  constituted  government. 
Nor  were  the  decisions  and  acts  of  the  ruling  powers  invariably 
characterized  by  a  spirit  of  justice,  prudence,  and  impartiality. 
In  the  turmoil  which  prevailed,  excesses  were  necessarily  com- 
mitted that  tended  to  increase  the  evil,  and  prepare  the  way  for 
other  momentous  events.  The  caprices  of  fortune  so  strikingly 
displayed  in  the  affairs  of  Peru,  were  not  exhausted  ;  and  though, 
upon  the  accession  of  Pizarro  to  power,  it  was  the  prevalent  opin- 
ion that  order  Avas  at  length  about  to  be  established,  the  sequel 
demonstrated  that  this  very  event  was  only  the  forerunner  of 
greater  and  more  lasting  calamities. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  scarcely  placed  in  the  full  possession  of 
power,  when  he  perceived  that  his  elevation  was  surrounded  with 
peril,  and  that,  instead  of  ruling  quietly  over  a  happy  country,  he 
should  soon  be  obliged  to  appeal  to  arms,  in  order  to  defend  his 
claims  of  the  government.  The  first  symptom  of  danger  came 
from  a  quarter  which  he  probably  had  not  anticipated.  When  it 
was  resolved  that  the  Viceroy,  Xufiez  Vela,  should  be  removed 
from  the  country  and  sent  to  Spain,  the  Judges,  in  their  solicitude  to 
ensure  success  to  their  plans,  had  chosen  one  of  their  own  number. 
a  person  on  whose  devotion  they  could  rely,  to  take  charge  of  the 
prisoner.  Juan  Alvarez,  the  individual  in  question,  embarked 
with  his  prisoner,  determined,  to  all  appearance,  to  fulfill  bis  com- 
mission with  strict  punctuality.  No  sooner,  however,  was  he  out 
at  sea.  and  free  from  the  vengeance  of  his  associates,  than  a  total 
revolution  took  place  in  bis  sentiments  and  conduct.  Either  from 
a  feeling  of  remorse  at  what  be  considered  an  illegal  proceeding, 
or  from  apprehension  of  the  results  which  the  transaction  would 
produce,  be  approached  the  ex-viceroy  with  a  countenance  lull  of 

'  G.  de  la  Vera. 


166  HISTORY  OF  THE 

sorrow,  and,  throwing  himself  at  his  feet,  manifested  his  repent- 
ance for  the  share  he  had  taken  in  the  affair,  declaring,  at  the 
same  time,  that,  from  that  moment,  he  was  free,  and  might  com- 
mand the  vessel  at  his  pleasure.  Shortly  afterwards,  another  ship, 
in  which  a  brother  of  Nunez  Vela  had  embarked,  joined  the  for- 
mer, and  also  declared  for  the  Viceroy,  who  thus  seeing  himself 
unexpectedly  put  in  the  way  of  re-establishing  his  power,  gave 
orders  that  the  vessels  should  steer  their  course  towards  Tumbez 
instead  of  Spain.* 

No  sooner  did  Nunez  Vela  arrive  at  this  place  of  destination, 
than  he  took  every  measure  for  resuming  his  former  functions. 
His  jurisdiction  having  been  readily  recognized  by  the  colony,  he 
dispatched  messengers  to  several  places,  announcing  what  had 
passed  in  Peru,  and  declaring  the  illegality  of  Pizarro's  proceed- 
ings. He  then  summoned  the  authorities  of  the  neighbouring 
settlements,  to  range  themselves  round  the  standard  of  legitimate 
power  ;  and  threatened  to  treat  as  rebels  all  those  who,  after  the 
present  requisition,  should  dare  to  disobey  his  orders.  The  Vice- 
roy, indeed,  proceeded  with  an  energy  and  alacrity  well  suited  to  the 
occasion.  Knowing  the  urgent  necessity  of  collecting  a  competent 
force  before  Gonzalo  Pizarro  should  have  time  to  thwart  his  plan 
of  operations,  he  was  indefatigable  in  his  endeavours  to  raise  men. 
He  sent  officers  to  Puerto  Viejo,  St.  Michael  and  Trujillo,  to  re- 
cruit soldiers.  Nor  were  his  requisitions  without  success.  Many 
Spaniards,  either  from  real  inclination,  or  from  disgust,  at  the 
violent  conduct  of  Pizarro,  hastened  to  join  the  standard  of  Nunez 
Vela:  and  he  soon  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  men, 
who,  if  unequal  to  offer  battle  in  the  open  field,  served  neverthe- 
less as  a  rallying  point  to  all  those  who  were  inclined  to  follow  the 
same  course.! 

But  Nunez  Vela  soon  began  to  feel  the  effects  of  that  vigorous 
opposition  to  his  power  which  was  to  terminate  only  with  his 
death.  At  the  very  commencement,  an  officer  in  the  service  of 
Pizarro,  named  Bachicao,  seized  upon  the  two  vessels,  and  com- 
pelled the  Viceroy  to  retreat  into  the  inland  country,  where  a 
series  of  hardships  and  calamities  awaited  him,  equal  to  anything 
yet  suffered  by  the  Spaniards  in  the  New  World. 

*   Zarate. — G.  de  la  Vega,  t  Zarate. — Gomara,  kc. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  167 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Pizarro  gains  a  signal  Victory. — Death  of  the  Viceroy,  &c. 

Ctoxzalo  Pizarro,  being  duly  informed  of  the  release  of  Nunez 
Vela,  and  of  his  assumption  of  power  at  Tumbez,  lost  no  time  in 
preparing  to  avert  the  threatened  danger.  He  immediately  dis- 
patched Villegas,  Gonzalo  Diaz,  and  H.  Alvarado,  three  of  his  most 
devoted  officers,  to  scour  the  districts  on  the  coast,  both  to  recruit 
men,  and  to  prevent  any  reinforcements  from  the  colonies  joining 
the  standard  of  the  Viceroy.  The  force  which  the  latter  possessed 
was  insufficient,  in  the  present  position  of  affairs,  to  create  any 
serious  apprehensions  in  the  mind  of  Pizarro ;  and,  if  he  could 
succeed  in  drawing  him  into  the  inland  country,  and  in  cutting 
off  every  communication  with  the  coast,  it  was  easy  to  foresee  that 
the  destruction  of  Nunez  Vela  would  ultimately  follow.  Pursued 
on  every  side  by  the  numerous  and  veteran  forces  of  the  Governor, 
commanded  as  they  were  by  the  most  able  and  experienced  offi- 
cers, though  he  might  protract  the  contest,  he  could  not  possibly 
avoid  the  fate  with  which  he  was  threatened. 

An  event  now  took  place  well  calculated  to  promote  the  cause 
of  the  Viceroy.  The  officer  who  commanded  for  the  Governor 
at  La  Plata,  was  ardently  devoted  to  his  interests ;  and  it  is  proba- 
bly owing  to  this,  if  not  to  secret  instructions  from  Pizarro,  that 
Francis  Almendras,  for  such  was  the  officer's  name,  incurred  the 
displeasure  of  the  inhabitants,  and  afforded  an  opportunity  for  an 
explosion.  Almendras,  in  bis  zeal  for  the  party  to  which  he  was 
devoted,  had  arrested  a  person  of  note  in  the  city,  called  Gomez 
de  Lema,  for  some  trifling  offence.  This  act  was  strongly  repro- 
bated by  the  inhabitants,  who  represented  to  Almendras  the  ex- 
cessive severity  of  the  punishment,  when  compared  with  the  fault 
committed,  and  requested  that  the  individual  in  question  should 
he  set  at  liberty.  Pizarro's  lieutenant  gave  a  peremptory  refusal 
to  their  solicitations;  and,  on  bearing  some  of  Loma's  friends  ex- 
claim, in  a  threatening  tone,  that  if  he  did  not  release  the  prisoner, 
they  would,  be  conceived  that  a  severe  example  ought  to  be  made, 
in  order  to  curb  these  incipient  tokens  of  disaffection.  Acting 
upon  this  idea,  he  ordered  the  unfortunate   object  of  contention  to 


16S  HISTORY  OF  THE 


be  strangled  in  prison  during  the  night,  and  his  head  to  be  exposed 
in  the  public  squares.* 

The  inhabitants  of  La  Plata  were  no  less  surprised  than  enraged 
at  this  atrocious  act.  They  conceived  that  no  security  could  be 
obtained  from  further  attempts  on  the  part  of  a  man  who  had 
evinced  his  ruthless  disposition  in  so  daring  a  manner;  and  from 
that  moment,  motives  of  personal  safety,  no  less  than  a  desire  of 
revenge,  prompted  several  of  the  leading  men  in  the  place  to  enter 
into  a  secret  league  against  Almendras.  Of  these,  the  most  dis- 
tinguished for  his  abilities  and  rank,  as  well  as  the  most  resolute, 
was  Diego  Centeno,  a  man  who  had  been  devoted  to  Pizarro's 
party,  but  who,  perceiving  the  arrogant  assumption  of  supreme 
power  on  the  part  of  that  chief,  and  the  arbitrary  manner  in  which 
he  exercised  it,  had  become  disgusted  with  him,  and  retired  from 
his  service.  Diego  Centeno,  having  convened  the  principal  inhabi- 
tants, communed  with  them  on  the  plan  which  they  ought  to  pur- 
sue, when  it  was  at  length  resolved  that  Almendras  should  die. 
This  decision  was  carried  into  execution  with  a  degree  of  treachery 
and  barbarity  equal  to  that  employed  by  Almendras  towards  <  *o- 
mez  de  Lema.  The  chief  conspirators  assembled  in  the  house  of 
their  victim  on  a  Sunday,  with  the  ostensible  intention  of  accom- 
panying him  to  mass,  when  they  suddenly  fell  upon  him,  and  in- 
flicted many  wounds  with  their  daggers.  Whilst  yet  lingering 
between  life  and  death,  his  executioners  dragged  him  to  the  square, 
where  they  ordered  his  head  to  be  severed  from  his  body,  declaring 
him  a  rebel  and  a  traitor  to  the  King.t 

Upon  the  commission  of  this  deed,  the  conspirators  proceeded 
to  take  active  measures  for  ensuring  success  to  their  designs. 
Diego  Centeno  was  named  General,  and  he,  with  equal  alacrity, 
sent  Lope  de  Mendoza  to  Arequipa,  in  order  to  surprise  Pedro  de 
Fuentes,  who  commanded  there  for  Pizarro.  Fuentes,  at  the  ap- 
proach of  Mendoza,  fled  ;  and  the  latter,  occupying  the  town,  seized 
all  the  arms  and  provisions  that  he  could  find,  enlisted  new  sol- 
diers, and  returned  to  La  Plata.  Diego  Centeno  being  now  at  the 
head  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  passed  them  in  review,  and 
harangued  them  on  the  sacredness  of  their  cause,  the  duty  which 
was  demanded  of  them  for  its  support  and  defence,  the  usurped 
jurisdiction  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  his  arrogance  and  excesses,  and 
the  little  hope  which  they  could  entertain  of  ever  awakening  sen- 
timents of  pity  and  mercy  in  his  cruel  heart. 

Meantime,  the  Governor  being  duly  apprised  of  the  transactions 

*  Zarate.  t  Zarate. — G.  de  la  \"oira. — Gomara.  S:c. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  1G9 


of  the  Viceroy, — though  somewhat  alarmed  at  the  extent  which 
the  insurrection  was  gaining,  displayed  that  composure  of  mind,  and 
that  personal  activity,  which  were  requisite  to  ensure  a  prosperous 
issue.  He  commanded  resources  to  which  his  competitor  could  in 
no  manner  aspire.  Being  in  possession  of  the  revenue — having 
the  principal  towns  of  Peru  subject  to  his  jurisdiction,  and  a  nu- 
merous and  gallant  army  ready  to  follow  wherever  he  should  lead 
— all  his  plans  were  easy  of  execution;  and  he  was  placed  in  a 
decided  superiority  to  the  enemy.  He  resolved  to  march  against 
Nunez  Vela  without  loss  of  time,  and  provoke  him  to  a  battle, 
which,  considering  the  difference  of  numbers,  could  not  be  doubt- 
ful as  to  the  result.  Pizarro  advanced,  full  of  confidence,  towards 
the  enemy;  and  as  the  country  was  in  general  on  his  side,  he  met 
with  as  many  advantages  on  his  part  as  the  Viceroy  was  compelled 
to  encounter  difficulties.  Being  informed  of  the  formidable  force 
which  the  C4overnor  commanded,  Nunez  Vela  considered  it  would 
be  an  act  of  madness  to  meet  him  in  the  field;  and  he  accordingly 
resolved  to  retreat  to  Quito,  until  he  should  have  more  ample 
means  of  offering  open  resistance  by  arms.  This  retreat,  and  the 
pursuit  of  Pizarro,  form  an  interesting  episode  in  the  history  of 
those  times.  Carvajal,  who  led  the  vanguard,  was  nearly  coming 
to  an  engagement,  which  did  not  however  take  place ;  and  the  two 
parlies  continued  in  this  manner,  one  to  retreat,  and  the  other  to 
pursue,  for  above  three  thousand  miles.* 

In  this  extraordinary  march,  the  sufferings  and  toil  endured  by 
both  parties  were  extreme.  They  were  obliged  to  undergo  the 
most  galling  distresses,  proceeding  from  fatigue  and  famine  ;  and, 
to  satisfy  the  cravings  of  hunger,  they  were  often  compelled  to 
devour  their  horses.  The  privations  of  the  soldiers  of  Pizarro 
were  rendered  more  insupportable,  from  Nunez  A'ela  taking  every- 
thing away,  as  he  proceeded,  from  the  places  through  which  he 
passed;  so  that,  in  his  present  sufferings,  the  former  chief  beheld 
a  renewal  of  the  extraordinary  calamities  which  had  characterized 
bis  singular  expedition  to  theCanela.  But  distress  of  every  kind 
was  endured  by  the  soldiers  with  exemplary  magnanimity.  No 
one  complained  or  repined  at  such  hard  fate ;  and  though  the  \  ice- 
row  touched  with  pit}',  often  invited  such  of  his  men  as  were  ex- 
hausted to  quit  his  service,  no  one  would  avail  himself  of  this 
permission,  and  all  preferred  perishing  in  their  duty.  Carvajal 
took  prisoners  those  who  lagged  behind,  and  with  his  usual 
rigour,  inflicted    death   on   the    most   conspicuous. t      After  these 

'   Zarato.  t   Ibid.— ForiKindez.— ('•.  do  In  Vi 


170  HISTORY  OF  THE 

dreadful  trials,  the  Viceroy  at  last  reached  Quito,  in  a  most  de- 
plorable condition;  but  no  sooner  was  he  arrived  in  that  town, 
than  Carvajal,  with  the  van  of  Pizarro's  army,  appeared  before 
it,  and  Nunez  Arela,  full  of  sorrow,  found  himself  compelled  to 
quit  a  situation  which  he  was  unable  to  defend.  He  accordingly 
left  the  place,  but  with  such  precipitancy,  as  to  exhibit  rather 
the  appearance  of  a  flight  than  of  a  regular  retreat.  Continuing 
to  suffer  severely,  yet  nothing  daunted  by  the  hardships  that 
pressed  upon  him — after  much  toil,  he  entered  the  province  of 
Ponpayan,  where  he  expected  to  find  some  respite  from  the  pur- 
suit of  the  enemy. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  had  all  this  time  followed  the  traces  of  the  fugi- 
tive Viceroy,  with  an  alacrity  and  a  perseverance  worthy  the  im- 
portance of  the  prize.  He  was  too  deeply  interested  in  the  capture 
of  that  personage,  not  to  exert  all  his  energies  to  accomplish  it ; 
but,  despite  of  the  ardour  of  the  pursuit,  Nunez  Vela  had  so  suc- 
cessfully eluded  the  vigilance  of  the  enemy,  that  Pizarro,  despairing 
of  attaining  his  object,  thought  it  more  expedient  to  return  to  Quito. 
But  a  new  source  of  alarm  came  now  to  occupy  his  thoughts. 
From  the  moment  that  Diego  Centeno  had  unfurled  the  standard 
of  war  against  the  Governor,  he  had  been  so  unremitting  in  his 
exertions  to  promote  the  cause  of  the  Viceroy,  that  he  had  placed 
himself  in  an  attitude  well  calculated  to  afford  apprehensions  to 
the  enemy.  The  southern  provinces  were  almost  wholly  devoted 
to  him,  and  he  was  at  the  head  of  a  gallant  army,  eager  to  close 
in  the  conflict.  Pizarro  received  intelligence  of  the  formidable 
aspect  that  his  enemy  was  assuming,  and  was  convinced  that  he 
ought  to  oppose  so  dangerous  a  foe  without  loss  of  time.  He  there- 
fore selected  Carvajal,  who  enjoyed  his  chief  confidence,  to  hasten 
against  Diego  Centeno  in  the  south,  whilst  he  himself  remained 
at  Quito,  in  order  to  watch  every  movement  of  the  Viceroy.* 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  perceived  that  a  crisis  could  not  be  distant; 
yet,  with  an  impatience  natural  to  his  daring  spirit,  he  longed  to 
join  in  conflict  with  his  enemy.  He  had,  during  the  pursuit,  re- 
])eatedly  flattered  himself  that  he  would  be  able  to  bring  the  con- 
test to  an  issue  ;  but  as  the  vigilance  of  Nunez  Vela  baffled  every 
endeavour,  and  surmounted  every  obstacle,  the  Governor  felt  his 
ardour  for  battle  daily  increase.  Nor  could  it  be  otherwise.  Gon- 
zalo was  sensible  that  the  success  of  his  enterprise  depended 
mainly  on  the  promptness  and  decision  of  his  measures.  Every 
hour  of  delay  was  as  detrimental  to  his  cause  as  it  was  favourable 


Zarate. — Gomara. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  171 

to  that  of  his  enemy.  His  anticipations  were  soon  confirmed.  No 
sooner  did  the  Viceroy  find  the  least  respite  at  Ponpayan  from 
the  hot  pursuit  of  Pizarro,  than  the  full  energies  of  his  soul  were 
employed  to  augment  his  force  and  means  of  resistance.  Benal- 
cazar,  a  man  of  great  influence,  who  had  constantly  acted  a  con- 
spicuous part  in  the  conquest  of  Peru,  had  joined  his  standard, 
and  with  the  assistance  of  that  gallant  officer,  he  had  succeeded 
in  collecting  above  four  hundred  men  in  the  province.  He  then 
dispatched  fresh  requisitions  to  the  neighbouring  places,  com- 
manding the  authorities,  civil  and  military,  to  lend  their  support 
to  the  legitimate  cause.  He  would  not  listen  to  any  terms  of  ac- 
commodation. Some  persons  of  his  own  party,  wishing  to  pre- 
vent the  disasters  consequent  on  a  fearful  civil  contest,  had  coun- 
seled him  to  enter  into  negotiation  with  the  enemy ;  but  the 
Viceroy,  though  certainly  acting  upon  the  defensive,  indignantly 
shrunk  from  such  an  alternative.  With  the  pride  and  resolution 
natural  to  his  character,  he  declared  that  he  would  never  com- 
promise with  rebels  and  traitors,  and  that  the  sword  alone  should 
now  decide  the  impending  quarrel. 

The  firm  determination  of  Nunez  Vela  was  not  unknown  to 
Pizarro;  and,  being  himself  actuated  by  the  same  spirit,  he  laboured 
strenuously  to  bring  the  matter  to  the  issue  of  a  battle.  As  the 
Viceroy  prudently  remained  at  Ponpayan,  daily  increasing  his 
resources,  and  would  certainly  not  advance  until  he  possessed  a 
force  superior,  or  at  least  equal  to  that  of  the  enemy,  Pizarro  was 
disposed  to  force  him  at  all  events  to  a  contest.  But  he  soon. 
changed  his  resolution.  He  had  already  pursued  the  Viceroy 
from  St.  Michael  to  Quito,  a  distance  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues, 
without  having  been  able  either  to  overtake  him,  or  provoke  him 
to  a  battle.  It  was  probable  that  Nunez  Vela  would  persist  in  this 
system  of  operations,  rather  than  risk  the  event  of  a  combat;  and 
Pizarro  would  thus  continue  to  lose  his  time  in  an  unprofitable 
chase,  exhaust  the  strength  of  his  troops  with  unnecessary  fatigue, 
and  compromise  the  chances  of  success.  He  therefore  conceived 
it  would  be  more  politic  to  resort  to  stratagem,  in  order  to  induce 
the  enemy  to  enter  the  field.  Acting  upon  this  idea,  he  skillfully 
spread  a  report,  that  he  was  about  to  march  against  Centeno,  who 
had  assumed  so  formidable  an  aspect  as  to  excite  his  serious  alarm; 
and  that  Pedro  de  Puelles  was  to  remain  at  Quito  with  three  hun- 
dred ni'  n,  in  order  to  make  head  against  the  \  iceroy.  This 
stratagem  was  no  less  happily  conceived  than  skillfully  executed. 
Being  sufficiently  seconded  by  his  agents  and  spies,  (Jonzalo  Pi- 
zarro, when  he  conceived  that  his  plan  was  sufficiently  matured, 


172  HISTORY  OF  THE 


departed  from  Quito,  leaving,  as  had  been  reported,  Pedro  de 
Puelles  with  the  above-mentioned  garrison. 

Further  to  favour  the  stratagem,  there  was  a  man  in  the  army  of 
the  Viceroy  secretly  devoted  to  Pizarro,  who  lost  no  opportunity  of 
aiding  that  commander's  scheme.  The  report  gained  slight  credit 
at  first  ;  but,  when,  in  addition  to  the  private  correspondence  of  the 
soldiers  of  the  two  parties,  it  was  well  ascertained  that  Pizarro 
had  actually  quitted  Quito,  the  Viceroy  and  all  his  principal  officers 
fell  into  the  snare  prepared  for  them.*  The  plot  had  been  so 
skillfully  arranged,  as  not  to  afford  the  least  ground  for  suspicion. 
Far  from  being  improbable,  the  departure  of  Pizarro  from  Quito 
seemed  to  be  not  only  perfectly  justified,  but  even  required  by 
circumstances.  The  Viceroy,  accordingly,  believed  in  the  reality 
of  this  movement  ;  the  more  so,  as  his  enemy  had  left  behind  him 
a  force  of  three  hundred  men  under  the  command  of  one  of  his 
best  and  principal  officers.  Fullv  impressed  with  these  thoughts, 
he  resolved  to  attack  Pedro  de  Puelles,  and  forthwith  put  his  army 
into  motion  towards  Quito. 

Meantime,  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  receiving  due  intelligence  of  the 
enemy's  operations,  and  conceiving  that  he  had  him  under  his 
power,  suddenly  returned  to  Quito,  and  joined  his  lieutenant 
Puelles.  He  then  advanced  to  meet  the  ex-viceroy,  who  came 
with  alacrity  to  the  encounter,  in  the  firm  persuasion  that  he 
should  have  to  engage  only  with  Pedro  de  Puelles.  The  Viceroy 
entered  Quito,  which  had  been  abandoned  by  the  enemy,  without 
the  least  opposition — little  aware  of  the  plot  contrived  against  him. 
It  was  only  upon  his  arrival  in  that  town,  that  he  learnt  that  Pi- 
zarro and  Puelles  had  acted  all  the  while  in  concert,  and  that,  ere 
long,  he  would  be  obliged  to  face  the  combined  forces  of  the  two 
commanders.  Nunez  Vela  was  thunderstruck  at  this  intelligence, 
which,  to  his  unspeakable  sorrow  and  disappointment,  he  soon 
perceived  to  be  founded  on  truth.  His  retreat  had  been  cut  off 
by  the  enemy,  and  he  was  necessarily  compelled  to  fight  or  sur- 
render. The  latter  alternative  he  discarded  indignantly  from  his 
thoughts  :  and  resolved  to  make  a  last  and  vigorous  exertion  in 
the  only  honourable  course  left  to  him. 

On  the  following  morning  (January  18th,  1516),  the  Viceroy 
assembled  his  troops,  and,  having  harangued  them,  advanced  to 
meet  the  enemy.  Though  inferior  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  both  in  the 
number  and  equipment  of  his  forces,  he  still  possessed  a  strength 
capable,  by  proper  exertions,  of  holding  victory  in  suspense.    He 

*  Zarate. — G.  de  la  Vctra. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  173 


had  in  his  ranks  some  officers  of  note,  among  whom  none  was 
more  conspicuous  than  the  celebrated  Benalcazar,  a  man  distin- 
guished no  less  for  his  bravery  and  services  in  Peru,  than  for  the 
general  rectitude  of  his  conduct  during  the  entangled  and  per- 
plexing scenes  that  took  place  in  that  country  after  the  conquest. 
But  the  army  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  had  the  great  advantage  of  being 
provided  with  a  strong  supply  of  fire-arms.  The  engagement 
began  with  equal  ardour  on  both  sides  ;  and,  indeed,  the  peculiar- 
ity of  the  circumstances  under  which  they  fought,  rendered  it 
necessary  that  the  most  extraordinary  exertions  should  be  made 
by  both  parties.  Every  one  felt  aware  that  he  had  no  mercy  to 
expect  from  the  conqueror;  and  the  spirit  of  vengeance  which 
partly  actuated  the  leaders,  was  readily  communicated  to  the  men. 
"  Victory  or  death  !" — was  the  cry  adopted  by  both  parties,  while 
the  iierceness  of  the  charges,  and  the  obstinate  rage  of  the  battle, 
clearly  demonstrated  that  all  abided  by  such  a  resolution.  For  a 
long  time  the  contest  was  maintained  with  equal  ardour,  and  with 
the  same  chance  of  success.  But  the  superiority  of  Pizarro's 
army  begin  at  length  to  prevail.  The  Viceroy,  nothing  daunted 
by  the  havoc  which  the  enemy's  well-disciplined  veterans  made 
among  his  ranks,  continued  to  exert  himself  in  the  most  gallant 
manner  to  rally  his  troops,  and  cheer  them  on  to  continue  the 
struggle.  Nunez  Vela  conducted  himself,  on  this  occasion,  with 
an  intrepidity,  a  perseverance,  and  resolution  deserving  admira- 
tion, and  worthy  of  a  different  fate.  But  the  efforts  of  courage 
were  no  longer  avaihno"  ;  disorder  began  to  spread  among  the 
ranks  ;  and  the  soldiers  of  Pizarro,  animated  by  this  advantage, 
pushed  forward  to  bring  the  struggle  to  a  successful  termination. 
The  Viceroy,  exhausted  with  the  fatigues  of  the  previous  day, 
the  want  of  rest,  and  the  exertions  of  the  fight,  perceived  with 
sorrow  that  he  could  scarcely  retrieve  the  fortunes  of  the  day. 
His  horse  was  ready  to  sink- — the  enemy  pressed  forward — retreat 
seemed  advisable — and  Nunez  Vela  resolved  to  adopt  this  course. 
Bui  neither  his  strength,  nor  that  of  his  horse,  was  equal  to  the 
task  ;  he  was  overtaken  by  a  soldier,  who  inflicted  a  terrible  blow 
on  his  head,  which  stunned  him,  and  brought  him  to  the  ground. 
lie  had  already  been  wounded,  and  this  last  stroke  terminated  his 
existence.  Mis  fall  was  the  signal  for  a  general  rout.  His  sol- 
diers, dispirited  and  overpowered  by  the  enemy,  now  betook  them- 
selves to  (light  on  every  side,  and  were  fiercely  pursued  by  the 
foe.  The  victory  was  no  longer  doubtful ;  and  Gonzalo  Pizarro, 
with  his  conquering  army,  entered  Quito  in  triumph,  amidst  gene- 
ral  acclamations.       The   head  of  the    unfortunate  Nunez    Vela 


174  HISTORY  OF  THE 

having  been  severed  from  the  body,  was  placed  on  a  gibbet  in  the 
public  square,  but  the  Governor  caused  it  to  be  taken  down  as  soon 
as  he  perceived  it.*  Yet  the  rage  of  many  against  the  fallen 
Viceroy  seemed  not  to  have  been  extinguished  even  with  his  death, 
as  they  exclaimed  against  his  tyranny,  and  rejoiced  in  his  ruin.  A 
soldier  even  placed  his  beard,  instead  of  a  plume,  on  his  morion, 
and  wore  it  until  commanded  to  withdraw  it. 

The  conduct  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  after  his  victory,  appears  to 
have  been  lenient,  and  far  from  what  his  enemies  had  anticipated. 
He  did  not  stain  his  triumph  by  the  massacre  of  any  of  his  ene- 
mies ;  and  though  he  had  decreed  the  death  of  Hernandez  Giron, 
he  afterwards  pardoned  him.  He  reinstated  the  gallant  Benal- 
cazar  in  his  former  rank  and  power,  and  showed  equal  kindness 
towards  other  officers  that  swore  obedience.  He  then  ordered  the 
most  solemn  obsequies  to  be  performed  on  Nunez  Vela,  Cabrera, 
and  other  persons  of  note  of  the  adverse  party  who  had  fallen  in 
battle.  He  himself,  with  his  principal  officers,  attended  the 
ceremony  in  mourning.  These  tokens  of  kindness — the  favour 
shown  to  many  of  the  enemy — the  pardon  granted  to  the  brother 
of  the  late  Viceroy — and  the  general  leniency  of  Pizarro's  con- 
duct, were  well  calculated  to  call  forth  the  most  flattering  anticipa- 
tions ;  and  the  late  battle  was  accordingly  viewed,  in  a  short  time, 
by  the  great  majority  of  the  Spaniards,  as  a  fortunate  event. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  becomes  absolute  Master  of  Peru. 

Goxzalo  Pizarro  being,  by  the  recent  victory,  relieved  from 
the  most  pressing  anxiety,  determined  to  remain  some  time  in 
Quito,  both  to  give  repose  to  his  troops,  and  to  provide  everything 
requisite  for  the  re-establishment  of  order.  Well  aware  of  the 
precarious  tenure  by  which  he  held  his  power,  and  unable  to  de- 
ceive himself  with  regard  to  the  illegality  of  his  proceedings,  he 
was  eager  to  atone  for  the  irregularity  of  his  past  conduct  by  the 
prudence  of  his  present  measures.  As  the  Audience  was  com- 
pletely dissolved  by  the  death  of  Alvarez,  the  return  of  Tejada  to 

Gomara. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  17S 

Spain,  the  illness  of  Zarate,  and  the  complete  subserviency  of 
Cepeda  to  Pizarro,  this  General  conceived  that  he  ought  himself 
to  draw  up  such  regulations  as  were  necessary  for  the  permanent 
restoration  of  peace  and  for  the  prosperity  of  the  country.  He 
accordingly  devoted  his  time  to  examining  the  internal  policy  of 
the  empire,  and,  aided  by  Cepeda,  who  acted  as  his  prime  coun- 
selor and  confident,  he  adopted  such  measures  as  could  not  have 
been  altogether  anticipated  from  a  reckless  soldier. 

Meantime,  Carvajal  had  been  carrying  on  active  operations 
against  Centeno;  but  that  veteran  had  never  been  able,  either  to 
capture  the  enemy,  or  to  disperse  his  followers.  Centeno  displayed 
abilities  of  no  common  order  in  the  various  military  movements 
which  he  was  daily  forced  to  make,  either  to  deceive  his  foe  or  to 
evade  pursuit.  But  the  name  of  Carvajal  carried  terror  and  alarm 
wherever  that  leader  happened  to  march.  The  well-known  cour- 
age of  the  old  veteran,  no  less  than  his  sanguinary  disposition,  had 
inspired  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  with  such  dread  and  horror, 
that,  at  his  approach,  they  either  sought  safety  in  flight,  or  sub- 
missively surrendered.  Not  so  Centeno  and  his  adherents.  "With 
an  inveteracy  of  resolution,  and  a  magnanimity  worthy  of  better 
success,  they  continued  to  defy  the  activity  of  Carvajal,  rather 
than  surrender  to  his  power.  At  length,  however,  Lope  de  Men- 
doza,  who  commanded  a  part  of  Centeno's  army,  deceived  by  a 
false  report,  came  to  an  engagement.  His  troops  were  routed,  and 
he  was  afterwards  surprised  and  taken  at  a  little  village,  and 
immediately  put  to  death.  The  gallant  Centeno  himself,  after  a 
variety  of  adventures  and  hardships,  Avas  at  last  compelled  to  fly 
to  the  mountains,  where  he  remained  many  months  concealed  in 
a  lonesome  cavern,  with  a  few  attendants  that  adhered  faithful  to 
him,  Carvajal  directed  his  march  to  the  Charcas  without  meeting 
with  opposition,  and  made  his  entry  into  the  city  of  La  Plata,  where 
he  determined  to  make  a  sojourn  in  order  to  gather  as  much  silver 
as  possible  from  the  rich  mines  of  Potosi.  In  the  meantime,  he 
sent  the  head  of  Lope  de  Mendoza  to  Arequipa,  there  to  be  placed 
on  a  gibbet;  because  it  was  in  that  city  that  the  unfortunate  Men- 
doza and  Centeno  had  unfurled  the  standard  of  war  against  Pi- 
zarro. '' 

Soon  after,  Carvajal  received  intelligence  from  the  Governor, 
announcing  the  complete  victory  which  the  latter  had  obtained, 
the  death  of  Nunez  Vela,  and  the  total  dispersion  and  submission 
of  his  troops.     Pizarro  further  announced  his  intention  of  proceed- 

*  G.  de  la  Vega. 


176  HISTORY  OF  THE 


ing  to  Lima,  and  desired  Carvajal  to  repair  to  that  place  without 
loss  of  time,  that  they  might  concert  together  the  plans  to  be 
adopted  in  the  present  posture  of  affairs.  Carvajal  had,  from  the 
commencement,  strongly  urged  Pizarro  to  throw  off' all  dependence 
on  the  Spanish  government,  and  to  declare  himself  absolute  in  the 
countrv;  but,  upon  receiving  the  dispatches  which  announced  the 
victory  of  Quito,  and  the  total  ruin  of  the  enemy,  his  remonstrances 
were  pressed  with  redoubled  ardour;  nor  were  his  arguments  des- 
titute of  force.  Pizarro  had  arrogated  to  himself  absolute  power 
in  the  country,  and  had  waged  Avar  against  the  lawful  authority 
of  his  King.  He  consequently  could  not  be  viewed  in  Spain  in 
any  other  light  than  that  of  a  rebel  and  traitor.  The  jurisdiction 
which  he  now  held  was  usurped;  and  the  means  by  which  he  had 
obtained  it,  were  justified  by  no  other  plea  than  that  of  force.  He 
could  not  even  plead  his  nomination,  by  the  inhabitants  of  Cuzco, 
as  Procurator-general  of  the  Spanish  settlements,  having  long  since 
thrown  off  that  appointment,  in  order  to  assume  higher  functions, 
and  power  more  absolute  and  unrestricted.  Carvajal  urged  these 
arguments  in  lively  colours,  adding,  that  offended  Majesty  could 
never  pardon  the  offences  of  which  he  now  stood  convicted.  He 
had  openly  marched  against  the  representative  of  his  King — de- 
feated him  in  battle — cut  off  his  head — and  then  made  himself 
master  of  the  country.  His  position  was  critical  in  the  extreme  ; 
and  nothing  could  save  his  fortunes,  perhaps  even  his  life,  but 
perseverance  in  the  most  decided  measures. 

Under  this  impression,  Carvajal  strenuously  advised  Gonzalo 
Pizarro  to  declare  himself  independent  sovereign  of  Peru.  Such 
a  step  could  scarcely  injure  him  more  than  he  had  already  been, 
in  the  eyes  of  the  Spanish  court,  or  draw  upon  him  greater  dan- 
gers than  those  which  already  threatened  him.  He  had  placed 
himself  in  a  situation  from  which  no  alternative  was  to  be  ex- 
pected but  complete  triumph,  or  irrevocable  destruction.  No  half 
measures,  no  temporizing  resources,  were  available  in  the  present 
posture  of  affairs ;  and  it  would  argue  insanity  or  childish  timidity 
to  hesitate  now,  when  he  was  so  far  advanced  in  his  career,  that 
he  could  expect  neither  advantage  nor  safety  from  retracing  his 
steps.  A  want  of  proper  determination  was,  besides,  unpardona- 
ble in  the  present  state  of  affairs,  when  the  most  unbounded  means 
were  in  the  hands  of  Pizarro.  He  had  a  devoted  army  under 
his  command,  the  officers  of  which  had  so  openly  and  decidedly 
compromised  themselves,  that  it  was  their  interest  to  adhere  strictly 
to  ins  fortunes,  to  the  very  last  extremity.  He  was  also  master  of 
the  country;  and  an  invasion  of  it  would  be  attended  with  as  much 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  177 

difficulty  as  danger.  From  the  frontiers  of  Ponpayan  to  the  con- 
fines of  Chili,  every  one  acknowledged  his  jurisdiction,  and  obeyed 
his  power.  Nor  was  this  all.  Hinojosa,  who  commanded  his 
fleet,  had  seized  on  Panama,  left  a  garrison  at  Nombre  de  Dios,  and 
held  now  absolute  command  over  the  South  Sea.  By  this  means 
the  communication  was  cut  off  between  Peru  and  Spain.  But, 
as  if  in  addition  to  so  many  advantages,  Pizarro  had  it  in  his  power 
to  bring  the  natives  of  the  country  to  voluntary  obedience,  for  he 
had  only  to  marry  the  Coya,  or  daughter  of  the  Sun,  apparent 
heiress  to  the  throne  of  the  Incas:  and,  out  of  respect  for  her,  the 
Indians  would  flock  with  zeal  round  the  standard  of  Pizarro. 
Thus,  the  means  were  within  his  reach  to  set  at  defiance  the  ven- 
geance of  the  Spanish  court,  and  to  establish  an  independent  sove- 
reignty in  Peru.  The  expeditions  which  Spain  might  send  over 
against  him,  would  neither  be  sufficient  in  number,  nor  possessed 
of  any  means  of  overturning  his  authority.* 

These  arguments  carried  conviction,  and  could  not  but  be  list- 
ened to  with  eagerness  by  a  man  of  Pizarro' s  ambitious  disposition. 
IJis  mind  dwelt  with  pleasure  on  the  glittering  prospects  of  domin- 
ion, that  expanded  before  his  view,  and  which  Carvajal  laboured 
so  incessantly  and  strenuously  to  place  in  the  most  alluring  light. 
But  to  the  remonstrances  of  that  veteran  were  added  other  repre- 
sentations equally  weighty  and  pressing.  The  lawyer  Cepeda, 
in  whose  counsels  Pizarro  placed  the  most  implicit  confidence, 
endeavoured,  without  intermission,  to  inculcate  the  views  so  ur- 
gently pressed  by  Carvajal.  Pedro  de  Puelles,  also,  to  whom 
perhaps  the  Governor  stood  more  indebted  for  his  present  eleva- 
tion, than  to  any  other  officer  in  his  army,  concurred  in  the  opinion 
of  Cepeda  and  Carvajal,  and  a  great  number  of  other  friends  and 
adherents  evinced  an  equal  conviction,  both  by  their  looks  and 
words.  These  counselors  skillfully  endeavoured  to  inculcate  into 
the  mind  of  their  commander,  that  he  had  as  good  a  right  to 
establish  a  sovereignty  as  many  of  the  founders  of  monarchies, 
from  the  remotest  antiquity.  Conquest  and  success  alone  were 
the  sacred  claims  which  the  authors  of  a  royal  dynasty  could  urge 
for  their  possession  of  power — or  their  descendants  for  its  continu- 
ance, t 

CJonzalo  Pizarro  heard  these  arguments  and  the  warm  remon- 
strances of  his  adherents,  with  feelings  of  delight  at  his  anticipated 
greatness.  lie  seemed  at  first  resolved  to  adopt  their  advice,  and 
to  be  in  every  respect  swayed  by  the  dictates  of  their  zeal  for  his 

Gomara. — G.  de  la  Vega.  t  Fernandez. — G.  de  la  Ye^a. 

12 


17S  HISTORY  OF  THE 

interests  ;  yet,  strange  to  say,  he  neglected  to  put  their  advice  into 
execution.  By  some  singular  and  unaccountable  fatality,  he  de- 
layed proclaiming  himself  as  King  of  Peru  ;  and  he  lost  that  time 
in  useless  speculation,  which  was  so  important  to  the  success  of  his 
schemes.  Pizarro  was  neither  wanting  in  resolution  nor  ambition, 
to  venture  upon  a  course  even  more  desperate  than  the  one  which 
was  now  proposed  to  him ;  but  he  neither  possessed  that  capacious 
mind,  nor  those  towering  abilities,  which  are  requisite  for  the  ac- 
complishment of  gigantic  undertakings.  Such,  indeed,  consider- 
ing the  awe  which  the  Spaniards  entertained  for  their  monarchs, 
would  be  any  attempt  to  render  themselves  independent  of  their 
jurisdiction.  Gonzalo  Pizarro  probably  recoiled  from  the  magni- 
tude of  the  enterprise  ;  or  perhaps  he  was  content  with  a  more  re- 
stricted authority,  and  a  less  dazzling  elevation.  The  already  too 
prominent  station  which  he  occupied,  appeared  to  him  fully  ade- 
quate to  fill  the  measure  of  his  ambition ;  and  he  seemed  to  limit 
his  desires  to  a  continuance  of  the  power  which  he  now  enjoyed. 
He  flattered  himself  that,  in  spite  of  the  ominous  presages  of  Car- 
vajal  and  Cepeda,  the  Spanish  court  would  not  resort  to  violent 
measures  against  him,  but  would  suffer  him  to  continue  as  Gov- 
ernor of  Peru.  The  immense  power  which  he  now  possessed, 
together  with  his  influence  over  the  country,  he  conceived,  would 
influence  the  ministers  of  Charles  rather  to  accmiesce  in  the  pre- 
sent order  of  things,  than  to  prolong  a  disastrous  series  of  wars 
and  calamities  in  the  New  World  ;  and  that,  as  long  as  he  pre- 
sented a  submissive  and  deferential  aspect  towards  the  Emperor, 
the  irregularity  of  his  past  conduct  would  be  overlooked  in  the 
lustre  of  his  present  success  and  of  his  commanding  attitude. 

Acting  upon  this  principle,  he  sent  Alvarez  Maldonado,  one  of 
his  most  devoted  adherents,  to  Spain.  This  officer  was  commis- 
sioned to  lay  before  the  Spanish  court  such  an  account  of  past 
events,  as  might  induce  the  sovereign  to  look  with  leniency  on  the 
conduct  of  Pizarro  and  his  followers.  Great  stress  was  to  be  laid 
on  the  pressure  of  necessity — the  unsettled  state  of  the  country — 
the  peremptory  zeal  of  the  Spaniards  in  Peru  to  resist  the  harsh 
and  violent  proceedings  of  the  Viceroy  Nunez  Vela,  the  provoca- 
tion offered  by  the  latter;  and  the  whole  was  to  be  wound  up  with 
a  pompous  description  of  the  great  merits  of  Pizarro — his  services 
— the  important  results  which  ought  to  be  expected  from  his  being 
at  the  head  of  affairs  in  Peru — and  his  submissive  deference  to 
the  royal  authority,  which  it  was  far  from  his  intention  to  contro- 
vert or  dispute. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  then  repaired  to  Lima,  where  he  made  a  mag- 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  179 

nificent  entry  that  bore  all  the  characteristics  of  a  military  triumph. 
He  was  accompanied  by  his  gallant  officers  and  veteran  troops — 
all  attired  in  their  best  habiliments.  The  municipal  body  came 
in  procession  to  meet  him,  and  welcome  him  to  the  city.  The 
bells  rang  an  enlivening  peal,  while  trumpets  and  other  martial 
instruments  mingled  their  stirring  sounds  with  the  joyous  accla- 
mations of  the  public.  In  this  manner  he  proceeded  to  the  cathe- 
dral, where  Te  Deurn  was  sung  with  great  solemnity,  and  his 
jurisdiction  over  Peru  confirmed  by  the  sacred  rites  of  religion.  The 
enthusiasm  of  the  Spaniards  was  at  its  height.  Pizarro  took  up  his 
residence  in  the  dwelling  formerly  occupied  by  his  brother  Francis, 
the  first  governor  of  Peru;  and,  in  his  deportment  and  manner  of 
life,  seemed  inclined  to  display  the  state  and  pomp,  as  well  as 
power,  to  which  his  present  fortune  had  elevated  him.  Some 
historians  pretend  that,  with  his  accession  to  sovereign  command, 
his  haughtiness  increased,  and  his  manners  became  overbearing, 
so  that  many  of  his  former  adherents  began  to  cool  in  their  de- 
votedness  to  him.  Indeed,  this  illiterate  adventurer  could  not 
shine  to  advantage  in  such  a  field.  The  qualities  with  which 
nature  had  endowed  him,  and  which  practice  and  habit  had  so 
greatly  improved,  were  of  a  very  different  description  from  those 
so  indispensable  for  holding  even  the  semblance  of  a  court.  Gon- 
zalo  Pizarro  was  a  bold  soldier,  an  adventurer  full  of  ardour  and 
magnanimity;  he  was  even  a  general  of  experience,  and  of  no 
mean  capacity  for  conducting  a  war.  But,  to  perform  with  dis- 
tinction the  polished  duties  of  social  life,  he  was  totally  unquali- 
fied both  by  nature  and  education.  The  roughness  of  his  man- 
ners, excusable  in  a  soldier,  appeared  ludicrous  in  a  Governor  ; 
and  the  great  lustre  of  his  deeds  was  partially  obscured  by  the 
shadows  of  ignorance,  which  became  now,  by  means  of  his  ele- 
vation, doublv  conspicuous. 

Carvajal  meantime  arrived  at  Lima.  Nothing  could  equal  the 
reception  which  Pizarro  thought  proper  to  give  that  famous  vete- 
ran. He  himself,  attended  by  a  gallant  retinue,  went  a  great  dis- 
tance from  the  city  to  meet  him,  as  he  was  anxious  to  show  the 
extent  of  respect  and  gratitude  which  he  felt  towards  a  commander 
to  whom  he  stood  so  greatly  obliged.  Indeed,  the  zeal  which  the 
old  soldiers  had  uniformly  evinced  for  the  cause  of  the  Governor 
was  well  deserving  of  such  marks  of  distinction.  The  result 
showed  that  his  arrival  in  Lima  could  not  but  bind  more  closely 
the  ties  which  existed  between  him  and  Pizarro.  Carvajal's  re- 
searches into  the  mines  of  Potosi  had  been  followed  with  complete 
success,  and  a  rich   prize  was  the  reward  of  his  exertions.     lie 


ISO  HISTORY  OF  THE 


brought  along  with  him  above  a  million  of  pesos,  which  treasure 
he  laid  at  the  feet  of  the  Governor.  He  then  renewed  his  former 
expostulations  to  Pizarro  to  declare  himself  Sovereign  of  Peru  ; 
but  the  Governor,  though  deeply  grateful  to  his  zealous  General 
for  the  many  services  he  had  done,  declined  to  follow  his  advice, 
in  the  firm  expectation  that  the  present  tranquillity  of  the  country 
would  not  be  compromised  by  any  attempt  of  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment to  curtail  the  powers  which  he  now  enjoyed. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

The  Mission  of  Pedro  Lagasca  to  Peru. 

The  Spanish  government  now  found  itself  placed  in  a  most  un- 
pleasant dilemma.  The  affairs  which  had  disturbed  the  tranquillity 
of  Peru  were  such  as  to  awaken  the  utmost  anxiety  ;  but,  though 
the  evil  was  alarming,  the  remedy  did  not  readily  present  itself  to 
the  ministers  of  Charles.  Contending  interests  arose  to  defeat 
every  plan  suggested  for  the  pacification  of  those  colonies  ;  and 
the  diversity  of  opinion  protracted  those  decisive  measures  which 
were  necessary  to  be  adopted  without  loss  of  time.  Alvarez  Cueto 
and  Francisco  Maldonado,  the  envoys,  one  from  the  late  Viceroy, 
the  other  from  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  had  arrived  at  Spain,  without  im- 
pediment, and  had  hastened  to  Valladolid,  where  the  court  was 
then  established.  The  moment  of  their  arrival  was  one  of  great 
embarrassment.  The  Emperor  Charles,  wholly  occupied  in  carry- 
ing forward  his  measures  against  the  Lutherans  of  Germany,  had 
abandoned  the  government  of  Spain  to  the  prince  his  son,  after- 
wards so  celebrated  under  the  name  of  Philip  the  Second.  This 
Prince  heard,  with  lively  solicitude,  the  accounts  given  by  Cueto 
and  Maldonado,  and  immediately  laid  the  alarming  intelligence 
before  his  council.  It  was  evident  that  Peru  was  involved  in  ex- 
treme anarchy  ;  and  the  palliations  which  the  envoy  of  Gonzalo 
Pizarro  skillfully  offered  in  excuse  of  his  master's  proceedings, 
were  not  sufficient  to  deceive  the  Spanish  ministers  as  to  the  real 
state  of  affairs,  and  the  unjustifiable  jurisdiction  which  Pizarro 
had  usurped. 

At  first,  every  one  was  shocked  and  scandalized  at  the  open 
manner  in  which  the  royal  authority  had  been  opposed ;  and  the 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  181 

defeat  and  death  of  Nunez  Vela  created  universal  feelings  of  hor- 
ror and  indignation.  The  rebellion  was  so  bold  and  alarming,  that 
nothing  but  extreme  measures  appeared  adequate  to  the  exigency 
of  the  times.  The  greater  part  of  the  ministers,  accordingly, 
strongly  advocated  the  most  decisive  and  violent  proceedings.  It 
was  indispensably  necessary  to  check  that  licentiousness  which 
was  now,  as  it  were,  established  in  Peru  ;  and  no  temporizing  sys- 
tem could  be  successfully  acted  on  towards  rude  adventurers,  who 
had  repeatedly  shown  the  little  dependence  that  could  be  placed 
on  their  protestations.  By  force  of  arms  alone  ought  the  rebels 
to  be  subdued,  and  brought  to  condign  punishment;  and  to  effect 
this  purpose,  it  was  decided  that  a  powerful  expedition  should  be 
sent  immediately  to  Peru.  No  time  was  to  be  lost;  but,  after 
solemnly  declaring  Pizarro  and  his  adherents  rebels  and  traitors, 
they  were  to  be  treated  with  the  utmost  rigour. 

Such  a  resolution,  no  doubt,  would  have  been  most  effectual,  as 
well  as  perfectly  justifiable,  had  it  been  as  easy  in  execution  as  it 
was  in  conception.  Spain  was,  however,  in  no  condition  to  se- 
cond such  vigorous  measures.  The  long-protracted  wars  of  the 
Emperor  had  drained  the  coffers  of  money,  and  the  country  of 
men.  His  veterans  were  now  in  Germany,  where  their  presence 
was  imperiously  required;  and  it  was  neither  politic  nor  just  to 
proceed  to  a  general  levy  of  soldiers,  in  a  nation  still  groaning 
severely  under  the  burden  which  had  been  thrown  upon  it — a 
burden  overwhelming,  even  despite  of  the  glory  with  which  it 
was  accompanied.  Besides,  the  preparation  of  a  formidable  ex- 
pedition, even  if  it  should  be  decided  upon,  demanded  more  time 
than  the  urgency  of  the  affair  seemed  to  allow.  The  transporta- 
tion of  the  troops  would  be  attended  with  equal  difficulties;  nor 
could  much  confidence  be  placed  in  raw  recruits,  who  might  pro- 
bably be  allured  from  the  royal  standard  to  another  that  offered 
richer  prospects  of  booty,  and  greater  independence  of  life.  But 
other  obstacles,  still  more  serious  and  more  difficult  to  surmount, 
soon  presented  themselves.  Gonzalo  Pizarro  had  now  assumed 
a  formidable  attitude,  and  could  easily  provide  against  the  dangers 
of  the  most  powerful  invasion.  lie  was  master  of  the  South  Sea, 
and  thus  the  rout  by  Nombre  de  Dios  and  Panama  would  be  in- 
terrupted. A  march  to  Quito,  through  regions  dreary  and  un- 
healthy,  or  inhabited  bv  ferocious  hordes  of  Indians,  would  be 
attended  with  fatal  results.  Besides,  even  supposing  that  all  these 
obstacles  were  surmounted,  the  army  would  be  thrown  into  avast 
and  unknown  country,  to  contend  with  superior  forces — with  men 
accustomed  to  every  son  of  toil  and  danger,  inured  to  fatigue,  and 


182  HISTORY  OF  THE 


prepared  for  the  most  desperate  events.  These  men  were  led  by 
officers  equally  distinguished  for  their  courage,  as  they  were  re- 
doubtable for  experience  in  war.  Pizarrowas  undisputed  master 
of  the  country,  possessed  a  complete  knowledge  of  it,  and  knew 
how  to  use  every  advantage  which  his  situation  presented. 

These  speculations  made  even  the  most  resolute  advocate  for 
extreme  measures  to  pause,  and  ultimately  to  alter  his  opinion. 
A  failure  in  the  attempt  would  be  a  mortal  blow  to  Spain,  as  it 
would  not  only  firmly  establish  Pizarro  in  his  usurped  authority, 
but  might  tempt  other  soldiers  in  the  New  World  to  seize  the  first 
opportunity  of  following  his  example,  and  of  declaring  themselves 
in  open  arms  against  their  sovereign.  To  try  the  effect  of  more 
conciliatory  measures,  was  next  deliberated  ;  and  indeed,  upon  a 
second  view  of  the  affairs  in  Peru,  there  appeared  a  strong  ray  of 
hope  that  more  fortunate  results  might  be  expected  from  adopting  a 
milder  course.  It  was  apparent,  from  Gonzalo  Pizarro's  own  con- 
duct, that  the  last  degree  of  unlawful  ambition  had  not  as  yet  taken 
possession  of  his  mind.  His  solicitude  to  exculpate  his  conduct 
in  the  eyes  of  his  sovereign,  indicated  that,  notwithstanding  the 
excesses  and  irregularities  of  his  late  proceedings,  he  still  pre- 
served an  inward  sense  of  dread  and  respect  for  that  monarch. 
By  trying  to  improve  this  frame  of  mind,  more  might  be  antici- 
pated than  by  an  injudicious  contempt  of  such  favourable  symp- 
toms. It  was  therefore  advisable,  every  circumstance  considered, 
that  policy  should  be  adopted  in  preference  to  force;  and  the  Span- 
ish ministers  came  to  an  unanimous  resolution  of  following  this 
course.  Reasonable  concessions  were  to  be  made  to  a  man  who, 
by  an  imprudent  provocation,  might  be  induced  to  seize  on  the 
whole.  And  those  negotiations  were  entered  upon,  which,  though 
without  showing  feebleness  on  the  part  of  government,  might 
tend  to  arrange  affairs  to  the  general  satisfaction. 

But  these  important  and  delicate  schemes,  demanding  a  man  of 
no  ordinary  character  and  abilities  to  bring  them  to  a  successful 
termination,  the  choice  of  a  person  capable  of  conducting  so  vast 
an  undertaking,  next  occupied  the  attention  of  the  Spanish  court. 
Experience  had  taught,  that  a  man  of  unbending  character  and 
rigorous  disposition,  ought  not  to  be  intrusted  with  the  mission; 
and  the  unfortunate  results  attendant  on  the  administration  of  the 
Viceroy  Nunez  Vela,  made  the  Spanish  ministers  solicitous  to 
steer  clear  of  a  similar  mistake.  Persuasive  manners,  and  mild 
eloquence,  knowledge  of  men,  and  profound  discretion,  were  re- 
quisite, rather  than  military  talents  and  unbending  severity.  After 
much  deliberation,  the  choice  fell  upon  a  person,  who,  both  from 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  183 

his  retired  mode  of  life,  and  his  unobtrusive  merit,  appeared  at 
first  unfit  for  so  important  a  task.  This  was  Pedro  de  Lagasca,  a 
priest  holding  the  rank  of  Counselor  to  the  Holy  Office.  This 
individual  had  already  been  employed  by  government  in  transac- 
tions of  trust,  though  not  dazzling  by  external  display  of  import- 
ance, and  he  had  uniformly  acquitted  himself  to  the  complete 
approbation  of  his  employers.  Though  he  neither  held  any  public 
function  under  government,  nor  mixed  apparently  in  the  turmoil 
of  affairs,  his  abilities  were  well  known  and  appreciated  by  the 
ruling  powers.  He  possessed  a  natural  eloquence  of  manner  and 
address — great  suavity  of  temper,  accompanied  with  resolution- 
integrity  superior  to  the  most  dazzling  allurements — and  profound 
wisdom  both  in  the  conception  and  execution  of  the  most  difficult 
measures.  Thus,  though  to  appearance  not  possessed  of  that 
name  or  rank  in  the  nation  which  might  justify  the  choice,  the 
Spanish  cabinet  did  not  hesitate  in  selecting  Lagasca  as  the  fittest 
person  to  carry  their  views  into  execution. 

The  Emperor  approved  highly  of  the  election  which  had  been 
made,  and  sent  testimonials  to  Lagasca  of  his  esteem  for  his  per- 
son. Such  flattering  demonstrations  were  not  less  deserved  by 
the  individual  on  whom  they  were  bestowed,  than  they  were 
honourable  to  the  monarch,  who  had  the  sense  and  justice  to  make 
them.  Lagasca  was  indeed  a  man  of  superior  merit.  His  abili- 
ties, though  great,  were  yet  vastly  inferior  to  his  moral  virtues. 
The  severity  of  his  conduct  towards  himself,  was  only  surpassed 
by  his  leniency  and  kindness  towards  others.  He  was  neither 
to  be  intimidated  by  fear,  nor  dazzled  and  seduced  by  ambition. 
Possessing  great  candour  of  mind,  and  a  contempt  for  wealth  and 
honours  worthy  of  a  philosopher,  the  only  reward  which  he  ex- 
pected from  the  laborious  and  arduous  task  in  which  he  was  about 
to  embark,  was  the  consciousness  of  having  served  his  country. 
Thus,  he  refused  to  be  made  a  bishop — an  elevation  which  the  min- 
isters thought  it  prudent  to  give  him,  in  order  that  he  might  appear 
under  a  more  dignified  character  in  the  New  World.  lie  would 
not  receive  any  distinction  or  title;  and  the  only  functions  which 
In;  accepted,  were  those  of  President  of  the  Royal  Court  of  Au- 
dience at  Lima.  His  disinterestedness  was  equal  to  the  elevation 
of  his  views,  and  to  the  purity  of  his  conduct  in  every  other  re- 
spect. He  solemnly  protested  against  receiving  any  salary,  or 
emolument  of  any  kind,  for  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  his  ofllce. 
rs'or  would  he  encumber  the  royal  treasury  with  any  useless  ex- 
penditure. His  retinue  was  solelv  composed  oi  a  few  indispen- 
sable domestics;  for  he  was  assiduous  to  remove  every  shadow  of 


184  HISTORY  OF  THE 

pomp  from,  his  mission.  The  solitary  favour  he  acceded  to,  if 
favour  it  could  be  called  at  all,  was,  that  the  members  of  his  family 
might  be  supported  at  the  public  expense  during  his  absence 
from  Spain.* 

The  great  merit  of  Lagasca's  conduct  is  further  enhanced,  by 
a  reference  to  the  personal  disabilities  under  which  he  laboured, 
at  the  time  that  this  important  mission  was  intrusted  to  his  hands. 
He  was  in  a  very  advanced  stage  of  life,  and  his  constitution 
was  broken  by  weakness  and  infirmity.  Added  to  this,  were 
the  fears  natural  to  a  man  who  had  never  been  exposed  to  the 
dangers  of  a  long  voyage,  or  to  the  terrors  of  an  unhealthy  climate. 
Still,  notwithstanding  such  serious  drawbacks,  he  did  not  hesitate 
one  moment  to  embrace  the  proposal  of  his  sovereign  ;  and  he  pre- 
pared for  departure  with  equal  zeal  and  alacrity.  But  Lagasca, 
though  he  appeared  so  disinterested  in  everything  that  regarded 
himself,  insisted  that  he  should  be  furnished  with  discretionary 
powers  to  act  as  the  occasion  might  require.  As  he  had  the  ser- 
vice of  his  king  and  country  solely  in  view,  and  aspired  to  no 
other  reward,  he  was  doubly  interested  in  the  fortunate  termination 
of  his  undertaking.  The  distance  of  the  country,  the  perplexed 
and  complicated  state  of  affairs,  and  the  dispositions  of  the  various 
persons  with  whom  he  should  come  in  contact,  required  the  most 
ample  grant;  as  time  would  be  lost,  and  opportunities  of  great 
advantage  foregone,  by  having  to  apply  for  instructions  to  the 
court  of  Spain  on  every  occasion  of  difficulty  or  importance.  He 
accordingly  required  to  be  invested  with  unlimited  authority  over 
all  persons,  parties,  or  causes;  that  he  might  have  the  power  to 
pardon  or  to  punish,  to  award  recompenses,  or  suspend  from  office 
or  emoluments,  according  as  circumstances  should  prescribe.  The 
functions  of  a  judge,  or  the  command  of  a  general,  were  also  to 
devolve  upon  him,  as  he  should  think  it  prudent  to  assume  either; 
and  every  functionary  of  the  Spanish  settlements,  whether  civil 
or  military,  was  to  lend  him  assistance,  whenever  he  should  deem 
it  expedient  to  demand  it.  Though  this  requisition  was  solely 
made  with  the  view  of  promoting  the  success  of  the  affair;  and 
though  the  ministers  were  perfectly  convinced  of  the  purity  of 
Lagasca's  intentions,  still  such  an  extraordinary  grant  of  power 
seemed  to  encroach  on  the  royal  prerogative,  too  dangerous  to  be 
approached  by  a  subject ;  and  the  ministers,  accordingly,  would 
not  bestow  their  sanction  on  the  demand.  Charles,  however, 
viewed  the  subject   in  a  very  different  light.     He  had  sense  and 


*  Zarate. — Gornara. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  185 

elevation  of  mind  sufficient  not  to  forego  real  advantage  for  a  mere 
question  of  form.  Persuaded  as  he  was  of  the  integrity  of  La- 
gasca,  he  knew  that  no  abuse  of  authority  could  be  dreaded  from 
him;  and  besides,  the  arguments  which  he  adduced  in  support  of 
his  pretensions,  were  founded  on  strong  reason.  He,  therefore, 
instead  of  seconding  the  opposition  manifested  by  his  cabinet, 
readily  assented  to  the  demand  of  Lagasca;  and  that  personage, 
gratified  at  this  testimony  of  royal  confidence  and  esteem,  hastened 
to  prepare  for  his  departue.  This  was  soon  accomplished;  for  he 
had  neither  men  nor  baggage  to  encumber  him.  That  great  man 
set  out  upon  a  dangerous  and  formidable  task,  armed  with  no 
other  weapons  than  his  abilities  and  virtues — his  cross  and  brevi- 
ary. 

Lagasca  landed  at  Nombre  de  Dios  on  the  27th  of  July,  where 
he  found  Hernan  Mexia  commanding  for  Pizarro.  Mexia  was  at 
the  head  of  a  considerable  force,  and  bad  orders  to  oppose  any 
hostile  invasion;  but  the  arrival  of  Lagasca  was  not  calculated  to 
create  alarm.  The  appearance  of  an  old  priest  without  troops, 
was  not  indeed  an  object  of  dread;  and  his  landing  was  accord- 
ingly quietly  permitted.  His  arrival  at  Nombre  de  Dios  excited 
rather  laughter  and  contumely  in  the  soldiery,  than  any  other  sen- 
timent. Some  of  those  rude  adventurers  began  to  behave  with 
the  utmost  disrespect  towards  the  old  man,  who,  in  return,  con- 
ducted himself  with  the  utmost  humility  and  placidity  of  address.* 
These  unfavourable  symptoms  soon  faded  away.  Mexia  had  a 
secret  interview  with  Lagasca,  in  which  it  was  agreed  that  this  offi- 
cer should  lend  his  aid  to  promote  the  plans  of  his  sovereign.  He 
further  instructed  Lagasca  concerning  the  state  of  the  country. 
The  fleet  at  Panama  was  commanded  by  Hinojosa,  which  officer 
he  depicted  as  not  very  difficult  to  be  brought  over.  A  secret 
treaty  was  then  entered  upon,  and  measures  concerted  for  the  pro- 
motion of  the  scheme. 

Lagasca  then  repaired  to  Panama,  where  Hinojosa  was  stationed 
witli  a  competent  garrison,  and  in  command  of  the  fleet.  If  is  re- 
ception at  this  place  was  as  favourable  as  he  could  desire.  Hino- 
josa behaved  towards  him  with  kindness  and  respect ;  and  the 
mild  aspect  and  humble  deportment  of  the  priest  easily  conciliated 
the  public  favour.  Lagasca  announced  himself  as  a  herald  of 
peace  ;  and  his  whole  deportment  tended  to  corroborate  this  state- 
ment. He  declared  that  he  came  commissioned  by  his  Majesty,  to 
look  into  the  affairs  of  Peru,  not  in  order  to  deal  out  punishment, 

*   Fernandez. 


1S6  HISTORY  OF  THE 


or  to  exercise  vexatious  authority,  but  to  heal  the  wounds  of  the 
country,  and  adopt  every  measure  conducive  to  a  general  pacifi- 
cation, and  to  an  oblivion  of  the  past.  He  added,  that  he  came 
with  full  powers  to  repeal  those  obnoxious  laws  which  had  excited 
their  alarm,  and  had  been  the  cause  of  past  disturbances;  that 
every  grievance  should  be  redressed,  and  every  offence  pardoned, 
provided  the  people  showed  themselves  willing  to  return  to  the 
path  of  order,  and  bowed  in  deference  to  the  laws  and  to  legitimate 
authority. 

The  venerable  age,  ministerial  character,  and  conciliating  man- 
ners of  Lagasca,  gave  weight  to  these  protestations  ;  and  they  were 
accordingly  received  with  the  most  favourable  feeling.  Hernan 
Alexia  had  already  been  won  over.  Hinojosa  soon  followed  his 
example,  and  several  officers  of  distinction  did  the  same.  Shortly 
after,  Lagasca  was  put  in  possession  of  a  competent  force ;  the 
garrison  at  Panama  yielded  to  him,  and  Hinojosa  surrendered  the 
navy.  This  auspicious  commencement  of  his  mission  encouraged 
Lagasca  to  proceed  in  the  same  prudent  manner,  and  tc  lose  no 
time  in  pushing  forward  his  first  advantage.  He  sent  to  Mendoza, 
the  Viceroy  of  Mexico,  requesting  him  to  lend  his  assistance  to 
the  service  of  his  Majesty ;  and  he  also  dispatched  messengers 
throughout  the  country,  in  order  to  promulgate  the  tenor  of  the 
functions  with  which  he  came  intrusted  by  the  King  of  Spain. 
As  Lagasca  was  exceedingly  averse  to  all  measures  contrary  to 
peace,  and  felt  horror  at  the  shedding  of  human  blood,  he  had 
determined  to  exhaust  every  endeavour,  and  make  use  of  every 
means,  before  he  should  think  of  having  recourse  to  such  melan- 
choly extremes.  He  wrote,  therefore,  a  mild  and  conciliatory 
letter  to  Pizarro,  announcing  to  him  his  arrival,  the  benevolent 
motives  by  which  he  was  actuated,  and  his  ardent  wishes  that 
they  might  labour  zealously  with  one  accord,  in  order  to  second 
the  prudent  and  paternal  views  of  his  Majesty.  In  this  letter  he 
enclosed  another  from  the  King  himself  to  Pizarro,  in  which  the 
latter  was  absolved  by  his  Majesty  of  all  criminal  views  towards 
sovereign  authority,  and  was  excused  for  the  violent  proceedings 
which  he  had  adopted  on  pretext  of  the  Viceroy  Nunez  Vela's 
imprudent  and  vexatious  conduct.  At  the  same  time,  however, 
the  King  required  Pizarro  to  lend  his  aid  and  obedience  to  La- 
gasca, who  was  fully  empowered  to  investigate  the  affairs  of  the 
country,  and  to  execute  such  measures  as  he  might  think  proper 
to  adopt  for  the  re-establishment  of  order  and  prosperity.* 

*  Zarute. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  187 

Gonzalo  Pizarro,  as  soon  as  he  received  these  letters,  called  his 
two  confidential  counselors,  Carvajal  and  Cepeda,  and  read  them. 
in  their  presence.  They  then  entered  into  a  consultation  on  the 
line  of  conduct  which  they  ought  to  follow,  Pizarro  showed  more 
than  ordinary  irresolution,  and  anxiously  demanded  advice  from 
his  two  friends.  Carvajal  gave  his  opinion  first.  He  said,  that 
since  Lagasca  came  as  a  messenger  of  peace,  and  was  empowered 
by  his  Majesty  to  revoke  the  obnoxious  laws  which  had  given  rise 
to  the  late  dissensions — since  they  were  again  to  enter  upon  the 
full  possession  of  the  emoluments  and  privileges  due  to  them  by 
right  of  conquest — he  saw  neither  justice  nor  policy  in  offering 
the  least  shadow  of  hostility  towards  the  royal  envoy.  On  the 
contrary,  it  was  his  firm  opinion  that  Lagasca  ought  to  be  received 
as  the  herald  of  good  tidings,  and  be  treated  accordingly  with 
every  demonstration  of  joy  and  respect.  He  suggested  that  they 
should  go  forward  to  meet  him,  and  bring  him  in  triumph  to  Lima. 

Cepeda's  advice  was  totally  contrary  to  that  of  the  veteran. 
He  alleged,  that  they  had  no  positive  security  for  the  fulfillment  of 
the  President's  promises;  that  he  had  merely  uttered  fine,  words, 
which  lie  might  violate  at  pleasure,  when  occasion  required  ;  that 
it  would  be  madness  in  Pizarro  to  admit  a  wolf  into  his  fold,  be- 
cause  he  came  dressed  in  a  lamb's  skin;  that  he  ought  not  to  suffer 
himself  to  be  dictated  to,  while  he  had  the  country  under  his  juris- 
diction ;  and  that  the  apparent  kindness  of  Lagasca  was  assumed, 
to  hide  the  duplicity  of  his  designs.  Two  opinions  so  completely 
at  variance  could  not  but  perplex  Pizarro  in  a  high  degree.  He 
accordingly  retired  from  the  consultation,  not  only  without  having 
made  up  his  mind,  but  even  in  greater  uncertainty  than  before. 
If  there  was,  however,  any  deviation  from  a  neutral  sentiment  on 
his  part,  it  leaned  rather  to  the  side  of  Cepeda.  Soon  after,  ano- 
ther  meeting  was  convened,  which  consisted  of  about  eighty  per- 
sons, composing  the  principal  officers  of  the  army,  and  the  leading 
men  in  the  city.  A  long  and  interesting  debate  took  place,  and 
opinions  were  again  divided.  The  majority,  however,  of  the  de- 
baters, as  well  as  the  more  prudent  among  them,  strongly  advo- 
cated the  advice  given  by  Carvajal  ;  while  there  were  others 
equally  anxious  to  support  the  opinion  of  Cepeda." 

Pizarro,  still  undecided,  sent  an  answer  to  Lagasca,  making  a 
pompous  display  of  loyalty,  giving  a  florid  description  of  the  ser- 
vices which  bis  brothers  and  himself  had  done  to  their  King  and 
countrv,  and  representing  the  indifferent  manner  in  which  all  their 

*  /urate. — Fernandez. 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


labours  had  been  repaid.  He  complained  of  the  imprisonment  of 
his  brother  Ferdinand  in  Spain — the  almost  destitute  state  of  his 
nephews,  the  children  of  Don  Francisco — and,  in  fine,  he  made 
use  of  every  argument,  to  show  that,  though  his  family  had 
merited  so  much  of  their  country,  they  were  unjustly  overlooked. 
This  mixture  of  loyal  professions  with  complaints  was  calculated 
to  let  matters  remain  unaltered;  though  it,  nevertheless,  gave  a 
hint  that  Pizarro,  however  apparently  inclined  to  peace,  was  in 
secret  more  decidedly  disposed  for  war.  This  suspicion  was  soon 
ripened  into  certainty  ;  for  the  Governor  made  no  difficulty  of 
showing  openly  the  real  sentiments  by  which  he  was  actuated. 
He  was  firmly  attached  to  the  opinions  of  Cepeda,  but  not  from 
the  reasons  alleged  by  that  subtle  lawyer.  Pizarro,  on  the  con- 
trary, conceived  that  the  promises  of  Lagasca  would  be  fulfilled, 
that  the  obnoxious  regulations  would  be  revoked,  and  the  griev- 
ances of  the  people  redressed  ;  but,  while  these  measures  were 
adopted  for  the  general  good,  he  apprehended  that  his  own  pri- 
vate interests  would  be  completely  disregarded.  He  found  him- 
self deprived  of  the  government  of  Peru,  to  which  he  considered 
himself  justly  entitled  ;  and  he  probably  anticipated,  that  his  loss 
of  power  would  be  followed  with  other  calamities. 

The  violent  and  haughty  temper  of  Pizarro  revolted  from  these 
considerations.  Dwelling  on  the  wrongs  which  he  had  sustained 
through  the  ingratitude  of  his  country,  and  besides  being  habitua- 
ted to  measures  of  resistance,  he  found  no  difficulty  in  proceeding 
a  step  further.  An  avowed  opposition,  under  existing  circum- 
stances, to  the  royal  authority,  could  find  neither  excuse  nor  pal- 
liation,— for  Lagasca  came  to  redress,  not  to  offer  grievances  ;  yet 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  scrupled  not  to  entertain  ideas  of  opposition,  and 
to  form  plans  of  resistance,  which,  at  an  earlier  period  of  life,  he 
would  have  regarded  with  dread  and  repugnance. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Progress  of  Lagasca. — Battle  of  Huarina. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  now  fully  confirmed  in  the  line  of  con- 
duct he  was  to  pursue.  lie  assembled  his  principal  adherents, 
and  signified  to  them  his  firm  resolution  to  prevent  the  President, 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  1S9 

by  arms,  from  establishing  his  authority  in  Peru.  Carvajal,  who 
had  been  taxed  by  Cepeda  with  being-  afraid  to  enter  on  so  bold 
an  undertaking-,  now  that  he  perceived  the  Governor  so  strenu- 
ously bent  on  adopting  measures  contrary  to  those  which  he  had 
suggested,  declared  that  he  had  given  his  opinion  with  candour 
and  sincerity;  but,  since  Pizarro  was  determined  to  follow  a  dif- 
ferent plan,  he  would  offer  no  further  remonstrance,  and  now  was 
ready  to  show  his  zeal  in  the  cause,  by  embracing  the  new  and 
dangerous  undertaking,  with  that  intrepidity  which  had  charac- 
terized his  long  and  eventful  career.  Pizarro  immediately  sent 
a  deputation  to  Spain,  the  object  of  which  was  preposterous  in 
the  extreme,  to  screen  his  unjustifiable  conduct  from  censure.  He 
insisted  on  receiving  from  the  King  a  confirmation  of  his  continu- 
ance in  the  government  of  Peru,  as  this  was  ardently  desired  by 
the  whole  community;  and  as  it  was,  besides,  the  only  means 
of  preserving  permanent  tranquillity  in  the  country.  The  Presi- 
dent Lagasca  was  then  peremptorily  ordered  by  Pizarro  instantly 
to  quit  Panama,  and  return  to  Spain.* 

The  Governor  now  gave  free  vent  to  the  arbitrary  tendency  of 
his  feelings.  His  habits  of  command,  the  recklessness  of  his  dis- 
position, and  the  formidable  attitude  which  he  had  assumed  in  Peru, 
drove  him  to  concert  plans  and  adopt  measures,  as  criminal  as  they 
were  wild  and  extravagant.  He  was  sensible  that  he  had  com- 
mitted many  acts  against  the  royal  authority,  which  the  Emperor 
could  never  forget,  nor  easily  forgive.  The  excesses  which,  at 
several  periods  of  his  career,  he  had  committed,  could  not  be 
passed  over;  and,  though  the  law  of  necessity  might  screen  them, 
for  the  present,  from  just  retribution,  yet  a  future  period  might 
present  opportunities,  and  offer  pretexts,  for  dealing  out  their  due 
award.  The  same  fears  were  harboured  by  the  adherents  of  Pi- 
zarro. Companions  in  his  rebellion,  participators  in  his  excesses, 
and  sharers  in  his  plunder,  they  knew  that  their  own  destiny  was 
intimately  connected  with  that  of  their  leader.  With  determined 
adventurers,  the  Jaw  of  present  expediency  is  the  strongest;  and 
without  considering  the  fatal  results  which  their  rebellion  might 
produce  in  the  sequel,  they  came  to  the  resolution  of  adhering 
boldly  to  Pizarro,  and  carrying  forward  his  views  in  their  greatest 
latitude. 

There  was,  besides,  another  circumstance  that  allured  the  Gover- 
nor to  the  adoption  of  these  ill-judged  and  violent  measures,  namely, 
the  consideration  of  La^asca's  want  of  means  for  offering  serious 


Zaratc. — Herrcra. 


190  HISTORY  OP  THE 


impediments  to  their  success.  The  pacific  character  of  the  Pre- 
sident, his  want  of  officers  and  troops,  and  every  circumstance 
attending  his  mission  from  Spain,  awoke  strange  ideas  in  the  mind 
of  Pizarro.  He  conceived,  that  a  minister  of  peace  had  been 
chosen  by  the  Emperor  to  investigate  the  affairs  of  Peru,  not  be- 
cause that  sovereign  sincerely  wished  to  adopt  conciliatory  mea- 
sures, but  because  he  could  follow  no  other — because  he  could  not 
send  a  competent  army  to  reduce  the  country  by  force  of  arms. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  found  himself  in  a  most  flourishing  posi- 
tion. There  were  now  no  less  than  six  thousand  Spaniards  in 
Peru,  the  greater  part  of  whom  were  openly  devoted  to  him.  The 
natives,  too,  he  could  easily  bring  into  his  party;  and  his  complete 
knowledge  of  the  country  gave  him  another  advantage  over  his 
antagonist.  The  arrival,  therefore,  of  Lagasca,  could  inspire  him 
"with  no  alarm;  and  the  failure  of  the  President's  mission  would 
inevitably  induce  the  Spanish  government  to  desist  from  further 
attempts,  and  to  confirm  the  grant  that  he  required. 

The  hostile  aspect  which  Gonzalo  Pizarro  now  assumed,  without 
any  provocation  on  the  part  of  Lagasca,  was  highly  injurious  to 
his  cause.  Though  men  had  been  accustomed  to  act  in  opposition 
to  lawful  authority,  and  though  they  were  generally  disposed  in 
favour  of  the  Governor,  yet  they  considered  his  present  conduct 
as  too  daring  or  too  criminal;  and  accordinglv,  many  endeavoured 
to  shelter  themselves  in  time  against  the  coming  storm.  Others, 
from  a  feeling  of  indignation  at  the  extremity  to  which  the  Gov- 
ernor was  carrying  his  measures,  in  thus  placing  himself  openly 
against  his  sovereign,  now  openly  declared  their  resolution  of 
upholding  the  cause  of  the  latter.  Hinojosa.  and  various  other 
officers  of  distinction,  not  only  made  a  public  avowal  of  their  in- 
tentions, but  exerted  all  their  endeavours  to  persuade  the  more 
undecided  among  the  Spaniards  to  follow  the  same  course.  This 
spirit  proved  contagious,  and  spread  with  great  rapidity.  Lorenzo 
de  Aldana,  on  whom  the  Governor  had  relied,  joined  Lagasca,  and 
with  four  vessels  repaired  to  Tumbez,  where  he  persuaded  the 
officer  and  garrison  of  the  place  to  join  the  standard  of  the  Presi- 
dent. Other  defections  of  a  like  nature  followed;  so  that,  while 
Pizarro  was  fondly  indulging  the  belief  that  Lagasca  had  either 
been  compelled  to  return  to  Spain,  or  had  fallen  a  victim  to  his 
obstinacy,  he  was  thunderstruck  at  receiving  intelligence,  that,  so 
far  from  this  being  the  case,  the  President  was  in  possession  of  the 
fleet,  and  had  under  his  command  the  troops  in  garrison  at  Pana- 
ma— that  he  was,  moreover,  making  preparations  to  proceed  into 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  191 

Peru — and  that  a  spirit  of  disaffection  had  begun  to  spread  over 
the  country. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  totally  unprepared  for  such  unwelcome 
tidings.  But,  instead  of  this  news  exciting  alarm  in  his  breast, 
the- information  only  served  to  inflame  his  rage  and  indignation. 
He  immediately  made  the  most  extensive  preparations  for  war ; 
nor  did  he  find  it  difficult  to  collect  an  army  capable  of  striking 
awe  into  his  opponents.  In  a  short  time  he  found  himself  at  the 
head  of  a  thousand  men,  all  good  soldiers,  and  perfectly  equipped.* 
With  this  force  he  hesitated  not  to  march  against  the  enemy  ;  but, 
before  putting  his  plan  into  execution,  he  was  anxious  to  impart  a 
colouring  of  justice  to  the  violence  of  his  proceedings.  He  ap- 
pointed a  Court  of  Audience  at  Lima,  in  which  Cepeda  presided, 
a  man  wholly  subservient  to  Pizarro.  This  tribunal  was  to  exa- 
mine the  charges  against  Lagasca,  Hinojosa,  and  several  others, 
of  having  traitorously  deprived  the  Governor  of  his  fleet,  and  also 
having  drawn  away  his  soldiers  from  their  duty.  Lagasca  and  his 
newadherentswere  found  guilty  of  treason,  and  sentenced  to  death. 
Cepeda  immediately  signed  the  sentence  ;t  but  some  of  the  members 
of  the  Audience  demurred,  alleging  that  Lagasca  was  a  priest,  and 
that  they  would  incur  excommunication  by  affixing  their  signa- 
tures to  the  warrant.  The  document  therefore  remained  dormant 
for  the  time  being,  but  it  did  not  prove  wholly  without  effect.  The 
semblance  of  a  tribunal  and  of  constituted  law,  if  correct  in  the 
form,  however  deficient  in  the  essence,  of  justice,  ordinarily  im- 
poses on  the  ignorant.  Such  was  the  case  at  present.  Those 
rude  adventurers  of  Peru  found  themselves  relieved,  as  it  were, 
from  the  burden  of  scruples,  from  the  moment  that  they  saw  Gon- 
zalo Pizarro's  views  seconded  by  the  Jludiencia,  and  heard  that 
Lagasca  and  his  companions  had  been  declared  rebels  and  traitors. 
Men  flocked  from  even' side  to  the  standard  of  the  Governor,  who, 
with  feelings  of  satisfaction,  beheld  himself  at  the  head  of  forces, 
both  as  to  number  and  merit,  hitherto  unequaled  in  Peru. 

But  affairs  soon  began  to  wear  a  different  aspect.  Lagasca, 
now  fully  sensible  that  it  was  useless  to  expect  any  accommodation 
with  Pizarro,  was  assiduous  in  providing  all  those  resources  which 
were  necessary  to  bring  the  matter  to  the  issue  of  a  battle.  He 
had  received  reinforcements  from  Nicaragua,  and  other  Spanish 
colonies  on  the  continent.  Indeed,  he  was  so  far  improved  in  his 
means  of  carrying  on  the  war,  that  he  ventured  to  leave  Panama 
and  proceed  to  Turnbez,  whilst  he  sent  Lorenzo  de  Aldana  to  the 

'   Zarate.  t  Zarate. — Fcrnandez.--IIerrera. 


192  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Valle  de  Santa,  to  watch  the  movements  of  Pizarro.  The  pacific 
character  of  Lagasca,  and  his  promises,  were  attended  with  the 
most  fatal  effects  to  the  cause  of  the  Governor.  The  people,  some 
in  dread  of  the  violence  of  Pizarro,  others  willing  to  accept  the 
terms  of  peace  offered  hy  the  King,  early  flocked  to  the  party  of 
the  President.  But  the  most  singular  event  of  this  period,  and 
one  which  might  justly  awaken  all  the  anxiety  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro, 
was  the  sudden  appearance  of  Diego  Centeno  in  the  field.  We 
have  seen,  that  this  honourable  man  and  brave  captain,  having 
been  defeated  by  Carvajal,  had  retreated  into  the  mountains,  and 
concealed  himself  in  a  solitary  cave.  There  he  had  remained  in 
obscurity,  watching  an  opportunity  of  displaying  again  his  courage 
and  abilities.  That  moment  was  arrived,  and  his  services  were 
called  into  action. 

An  inhabitant  of  Arequipa,  called  Diego  Alvarez,  had  placed  a 
rag  upon  a  pike  in  imitation  of  a  banner,  and  at  the  head  of  thir- 
teen men  had  declared  for  Lagasca.  With  tin's  slender  party,  he 
proceeded  towards  those  places  where  the  followers  of  Centeno 
had  been  dispersed  by  Carvajal.  He  was  soon  joined  by  many 
of  them,  when  Centeno  himself,  issuing  from  his  cave,  took  the 
command  of  the  gallant  party.*  This  consisted  of  fifty  men,  all 
ill  provided  for  active  service,  but  making  up  in  zeal  and  courage 
for  every  deficiency.  Centeno  proposed  to  them  to  march  boldly 
towards  Cuzco,  and  make  a  desperate  attempt  to  take  possession 
of  that  city.  Dangerous  and  arduous  as  the  undertaking  appeared, 
all  the  soldiers  showed  themselves  eager  to  enter  upon  it.  Cuzco 
was  defended  by  Antonio  de  Robles,  a  fearless  young  officer;  and 
the  garrison  consisted  of  three  hundred  regular  troops.  But,  not- 
withstanding this  disparity  of  numbers,  Centeno  and  his  gallant 
band  began  their  march  with  the  confidence  and  satisfaction  of  men 
marching  to  victory.  Their  commander  endeavoured  all  along  to 
inculcate  on  them,  that  the  inhabitants  of  Cuzco  would  hasten  to 
join  their  standard,  and  that  the  garrison  would  be  induced  to  fol- 
low their  example — for  they  defended  the  right  cause,  which, 
sooner  or  later,  must  be  crowned  with  success. 

With  equal  tact  and  prudence,  however,  Centeno  resolved  to 
make  his  attempt  on  Cuzco  by  night;  since  it  would  have  been 
next  to  madness  to  approach  the  city,  as  if  with  the  design  of 
laying  siege  to  it.  Besides,  though  he  made  use  of  the  most  flat- 
tering expressions  in  order  to  encourage  his  troops,  he  knew  that 
the  people  of  Cuzco  would  not  pronounce  themselves  in  his  favour, 

*  Zarate. — G.  de  la  Ve<ra. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  193 

unless  they  saw  him  possessing  greater  chances  of  success  than 
those  which  he  could  now  command.  The  vigilance  of  Robles 
and  his  devotion  to  Pizarro,  were  also  serious  impediments;  and 
he  accordingly  determined  to  take  the  place  by  surprise  and  strata- 
gem in  the  darkness  of  night.  The  smallness  of  his  band  enabled 
him  to  advance  with  the  greatest  secrecy  to  the  vicinity  of  Cuzco; 
and  he  was,  by  faithful  spies,  duly  apprised  of  what  was  going 
forward  in  that  city.  His  scheme  was  put  into  execution  with 
complete  success  ;  and  he  rendered  himself  without  bloodshed 
master  of  Cuzco,  and  took  Robles  prisoner.  Centeno  behaved 
with  leniency  after  this  triumph  ;  indeed  Robles,  an  impetuous 
young  man,  who  comported  himself  with  daring  imprudence  after 
his  defeat,  alone  suffered  of  all  the  partisans  of  Pizarro  in  the 
place.*  Most  of  the  troops  that  had  composed  the  garrison,  joined 
the  banners  of  Centeno ;  so  that  he  soon  found  himself  at  the  head 
of  a  band  of  men  bearing  the  semblance  of  a  regular  army.t 

Gonzalo  Pizarro,  upon  receiving  intelligence  of  the  capture  of 
Cuzco,  and  of  the  formidable  aspect  assumed  by  Centeno,  was  no 
less  astonished  than  enraged.  He  found  himself  pressed  both  by 
sea  and  by  land,  at  a  time  when  he  had  every  reason  to  hope  that 
his  enemies  were  either  annihilated,  or  at  least  in  so  destitute  a  con- 
dition that  they  could  only  attempt  to  act  on  the  defensive.  But 
affairs  had  taken  a  turn  totally  unexpected  ;  and  a  remedy  to  the 
evil  was  an  object  of  primary  consideration.  Pizarro  was,  besides, 
not  easily  to  be  dispirited  by  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune.  During 
his  eventful  life,  he  had  been  exposed  to  so  many  dangers,  and 
had  endured  such  extraordinary  calamities,  that  neither  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  one,  nor  the  near  approach  of  the  other,  could 
engender  in  his  dauntlessbosom  any  sentiment  of  alarm  or  despond- 
ency.  As  the  danger  from  the  movements  of  Centeno  was  the 
most  pressing,  he  resolved  to  attack  that  captain  without  loss  of 
time.  With  an  anxiety  excusable,  under  existing  circumstances, 
previously  to  undertaking  his  march,  he  assembled  his  troops,  and 
went  through  a  ceremony,  on  the  value  of  which  experience  ought 
to  have  taught  him  to  set  no  price.  This  was  the  solemn  admin- 
istration of  a  sacred  oath,  first  to  the  officers,  and  then  to  the  army 
in  general,  to  adhere  faithfully  to  his  standard  till  death — an  oath 
which  even  those  who  had  already  made  up  their  minds  to  desert, 
scrupled  not  to  take. 

Meantime,  Aldana  appeared  with  the  fleet  in  the  bay  of  Lima. 
This  event  naturally  increased  the  anxiety  of  Pizarro,  who  now 

*  G.  de  la  Ye^u.  t  Zarate. — Gomara. 

1!3 


194  HISTORY  OF  THE 

resolved  to  expedite  his  march.  This  was  indeed  the  most  pru- 
dent step  he  could  take.  It  was  imperiously  necessary  to  disperse 
the  troops  of  Centeno,  before  that  chief  assumed  a  more  formida- 
ble aspect,  or  effected  a  junction  with  Lagasca.  Besides,  Pizarro, 
without  a  fleet,  could  essay  nothing  against  Aldana.  These  con- 
siderations, added  to  the  daily  increase  of  desertion,  determined 
him  to  risk  the  event  of  a  battle,  as  nothing  is  more  fatal  than  to 
keep  soldiers  in  inactivity,  while  corrupted  by  such  a  spirit. 

Pizarro  commenced  his  march  with  unusual  rapidity;  but  the 
defection  was  appalling.  Every  day  some  officer  of  note,  or  some 
band  of  soldiers,  had  quitted  the  ranks ;  and  the  agony  of  the 
Governor  was  augmented,  when  he  learned  that  among  the  de- 
serters were  some  of  those  very  men  to  whom  he  had  been  partial, 
and  to  whom  he  had  shown  the  greatest  kindness.  He  was  next 
met  by  Juan  de  Acosta,  an  officer  of  rank  whom  he  had  dispatched 
towards  Cuzco  with  a  gallant  army.  Acosta,  dispirited  and  ex- 
hausted, appeared  before  his  commander  at  Arequipa,  with  the 
small  remnant  of  his  army  that  had  still  adhered  faithful  to  their 
standard.  Pizarro  redoubled  his  vigilance,  especially  during  the 
night,  which  was  time  when  desertion  more  generally  took  place  ; 
but,  despite  of  his  unwearied  efforts,  and  the  punishments  which 
he  found  himself  compelled  to  award,  he  could  not  check  the  pro- 
gress of  the  defection.  Indeed,  by  the  time  he  approached  near 
Huarina,  his  army  was  so  reduced  by  desertion,  that  he  found 
himself  at  the  head  of  scarcely  four  hundred  men,  hardly  a  third 
of  the  force  which  he  had  long  before  commanded. 

The  enemy  came  in  sight  near  the  Lake  of  Titiaca;  and  Cen- 
teno, confiding  in  the  superiority  of  his  troops,  which  were  twice 
in  number  to  those  of  the  enemy,  resolved  to  offer  battle  without 
delay.  The  situation  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  now  very  critical. 
Though  a  stranger  to  the  remotest  suggestion  of  fear,  and  no  longer 
dreading  evil  from  the  defection  of  his  men,  since  those  that  re- 
mained were  stanch  adherents — the  companions  in  his  past  vic- 
tories and  crimes — he  nevertheless  hesitated  to  engage  Centeno, 
without  previously  trying  the  effect  of  negotiation.  He  accord- 
ingly sent  a  messenger  to  that  chief  with  dispatches,  in  which  he 
skillfully  put  Centeno  in  mind  of  their  having  been  companions  in 
former  enterprises  of  great  importance  and  glory,  such  as  the  ex- 
peditions for  the  conquest  of  Callao  and  Las  Charcas.  He  remind- 
ed him  of  their  friendship,  of  the  many  obligations  which  he  owed 
him,  and  of  his  having  preserved  his  life,  when  he  ought  to  have 
been  executed.  In  virtue  of  all  this,  he  urged  him  to  enter  into 
some  accommodation,  by  which  any  difference  might  be  adjusted 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  195 

without  having  recourse  to  the  dreadful  alternative  of  arms.  To 
this  invitation  Centeno  answered,  in  terras  which  at  once  evinced 
his  policy  and  his  moderation.  The  letter  of  Pizarro  had  been 
ambiguous ;  and  it  was  obvious  that  he  never  intended  to  relin- 
quish the  government  of  Peru.  This,  indeed,  would  always  be 
an  insuperable  obstacle  to  every  negotiation,  as  the  submission  of 
Pizarro  to  the  President  would  be  indispensable  before  any  attempt 
at  conciliatory  measures.  Centeno  accordingly  answered,  that  he 
was  equally  anxious  with  Pizarro  to  bring  these  differences  among 
the  Spaniards  to  a  friendly  termination,  and  that  he  would  pro- 
mote so  fortunate  a  result  by  all  the  means  in  his  power.  He  said, 
that  he  was  not  forgetful  either  of  the  friendship  which  had  existed 
between  them  in  former  times,  or  of  the  favours  he  had  received; 
and  that  it  was  his  earnest  desire,  therefore,  to  show  a  due  sense 
of  them,  by  the  line  of  conduct  he  intended  to  adopt.  He  was 
willing  to  go  any  length — short  of  compromising  his  honour,  and 
the  duty  which  he  owed  to  his  King — in  order  to  serve  Pizarro. 
He  only  required  of  him  to  come  to  his  camp,  and  acknowledge 
the  royal  jurisdiction,  on  which  every  matter  would  be  adjusted 
to  the  general  satisfaction.  The  President  Lagasca,  throwing  the 
veil  of  oblivion  over  the  past,  would  not,  however,  forget  the  ex- 
traordinary services  done  by  Gonzalo  Pizarro  to  his  country.  A 
most  honourable  destiny  would  be  awarded  to  him;  and  Centeno 
himself  would  neglect  no  means  of  forwarding  such  an  i*ue.* 

This  answer  of  Centeno  was  characterized  by  a  spirit  of  justice 
and  moderation,  but  was  fur  from  satisfying  the  views  of  the  Gov- 
ernor. He  either  would  not  trust  the  assurances  of  his  enemy,  or 
conceived  that  the  requisition  for  his  surrendering  was  too  deroga- 
tory to  the  dignity  which  he  held  in  Peru,  and  to  the  glorious 
renown  which  he  had  hitherto  enjoyed  in  the  country.  Besides, 
the  bribery  practised  on  his  messenger  awoke  his  indignation, 
which,  aided  by  his  dauntless  nature,  made  him  not  hesitate  to 
risk  the  event  of  a  battle.  His  devoted  officers  seconded  his  in- 
tentions ;  and  he  pushed  towards  Huarina  with  great  alacrity  and 
resolution.  Centeno,  being  apprised  of  this  movement,  advanced 
to  meet  the  enemy.  He  was  very  sanguine  of  victory,  and  indeed 
his  hopes  were  founded  on  the  firmest  basis.  He  was  at  the  head 
of  above  a  thousand  men,  commanded  by  officers  of  equal  bravery 
and  experience,  while  the  army  of  Pizarro  scarcely  amounted  to  four 
hundred.  Carvajal,  in  whose  great  military  abilities  and  long  ex- 
perience in  war  the  Governor  chiefly  confided,  disposed  this  body 

*  Zaratc. — G.  de  la  Vega. 


196  HISTORY  OF  THE 

of  men  with  great  skill.  He  detached  Juan  de  Acosta  with  a  small 
bund  from  the  main  body,  to  skirmish  with  the  enemy;  and  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  cavalry,  while  Pizarro  commanded  the 
infantry.  Cepeda,  Bachicao  and  Guevara,  were  the  officers  next 
in  command,  and  each  had  posts  of  importance  assigned  to  them. 

On  the  20th  of  October,  the  battle  of  Huarina  took  place.  It 
was,  upon  the  whole,  the  best  contested,  as  well  as  the  most  san- 
guinary and  decisive,  that  had  hitherto  been  fought  in  Peru. 
Both  sides  advanced  at  first  slowly  to  the  charge,  in  complete  si- 
lence, and  preserving  strict  order.  The  two  armies  then  halted, 
at  a  short  distance  from  each  other,  and  remained  for  some  time 
in  complete  inactivity,  their  eyes  fixed  upon  their  antagonists. 
Pizarro,  at  this  time,  sent  Father  Herrera,  chaplain  of  the  army, 
to  parley  with  Centeno,  requiring  him  to  let  him  pass  on  without 
offering  battle,  and  charging  him  with  all  the  calamities  that  would 
follow,  should  he  perversely  refuse  to  comply  with  this  request. 
The  embassy  was  treated  by  the  enemy  with  scorn ;  as  they  con- 
cluded that  a  feeling  of  alarm  alone  could  actuate  Pizarro  to  send 
such  a  message,  when  affairs  were  on  the  eve  of  a  crisis.  The 
aspect  of  the  Governor's  army  was  such,  indeed,  as  to  justify  the 
most  sanguine  expectations  on  the  side  of  the  enemy.  They  felt 
confident  of  victory,  and,  acting  upon  this  persuasion,  Centeno 
gave  orders  to  charge. 

Carvdjjal  then  sent  forward  Juan  de  Acosta  with  his  thirty  mus- 
keteers to  engage  the  enemy,  but  with  orders  to  keep  retreating, 
in  order  to  entice  them  on.  Meantime,  he  himself  remained  quiet, 
waiting  for  the  foe  being  absorbed  in  the  pursuit  of  Acosta,  to  fall 
upon  them  in  a  firm  squadron  with  overwhelming  force.  It  was 
long  before  the  armies  came  to  a  general  engagement ;  for  Pizarro 
avoided  such  an  event  with  unwearied  industry.  It  was  the  object 
of  the  experienced  Carvajal  to  weary  out  the  enemy  by  partial 
encounters  and  skirmishes,  which  might  tend  to  exhaust  the 
strength,  and  derange  the  order  of  Centeno's  army.  These  strata- 
gems were  at  first  successful;  but  Centeno  was  not  so  raw  an 
adept  in  the  art  of  war,  as  not  to  perceive  the  object  of  the  enemy  ; 
and  he  was  too  well  aware  of  the  advantage  which  he  possessed 
in  a  superior  force,  acting  besides  on  a  level  ground  so  favourable 
for  its  evolutions.  Centeno  commanded,  therefore,  his  cavalry  to 
charge  furiously  the  wing  led  by  Pizarro,  as  it  was  the  one  on 
which  it  would  be  easier  to  make  an  impression — ordering,  at  the 
same  time,  the  whole  of  his  infantry  to  follow  close,  and  second 
the  exertions  of  the  cavalry. 

The  onset  was  characterized  by  unusual  intrepidity.     The  at- 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  197 

tack  was  so  rapid  and  overpowering,  that  its  shock  was  terribly 
felt  b)r  the  enemy.  Pizarro's  soldiers  were  overthrown  and  put 
into  confusion,  and  the  general  himself  narrowly  escaped  with  life, 
— a  fortune  which  he  owed  only  to  the  goodness  of  his  armour. 
He  was  compelled  to  take  refuge  in  the  centre  of  the  infantry, 
which  was  soon  closely  attacked  by  the  conquering  enemy.  Ce- 
peda  was  overthrown,  and  badly  wounded;  and  the  sounds  of  vic- 
tory were  heard  from  the  army  of  Centeno.  Pizarro,  conceiving 
that  the  day  was  lost,  had  resolved  to  quit  his  post,  and  fight  des- 
perately to  meet  a  glorious  death.  But  Carvajal,  with  a  coolness 
and  composure  that  showed  at  once  the  veteran  warrior  and  the 
deep  politician,  ordered  his  men  to  remain  quiet  and  collected, 
and  to  direct  an  uninterrupted  fire  upon  the  rear  of  the  enemy, 
when  closely  engaged  with  the  other  portion  of  the  army.  This 
maneuver  began  to  change  the  aspect  of  the  day.  The  mus- 
keteers, with  unerring  aim,  continued  to  annoy  the  enemy,  who 
was  now  vigorously  charged  by  Carvajal  and  his  men.  Pizarro, 
who  had  kept  retreating,  cheered  by  the  present  advantage,  re- 
doubled his  exertions,  and  victory  began  now  to  incline  towards 
his  side.  Nothing  could  exceed  the  animosity  of  the  two  armies  ; 
the  contest  was  long  disputed;  but  the  cause  of  Pizarro  at  length 
prevailed,  and  a  most  signal  and  complete  victory  was  obtained. 

The  carnage  was  very  great.  Centeno  had  about  three  hundred 
and  fifty  men  killed  in  the  battle,  together  with  his  second  in 
command,  and  every  other  officer  of  note.  The  number  of  the 
wounded  was  considerable,  amounting  to  an  equality  with  the 
dead;  besides,  about  a  hundred  died  in  a  short  time,  from  the  bad- 
ness of  their  wounds,  or  from  neglect.  The  remnant  of  the  army 
dispersed  in  every  direction,  and  was  hotly  pursued  by  the  victors.* 
There  is  much  exaggeration  in  the  account  given  by  Gomara,  of 
the  cruelty  used  towards  the  conquered.  Among  other  things,  he 
charges  Carvajal  with  having  boasted  that  he  had  killed  a  hundred 
men,  and  among  them  a  priest;  whereas  the  veteran,  whatever 
might  have  been  the  number  of  those  who  fell  by  his  arm  in  battle, 
did  not  slay  a  single  man  after  the  victory.!  The  loss  of  Pizarro 
was  also  considerable,  if  measured  by  the  numerical  standard  of 
the  forces  he  had  brought  into  the  field.  He  had  about  a  hundred 
men  slain,  and  many  wounded,  among  whom  were  his  principal 
officers,  Cepeda,  Acosta,  and  Guillen. 

The  booty  which  the  victors  found  in  the  camp  of  the  enemy 
was  very  great,  and  amounted,  in  value,  to  no  less  than  one  million 

*   /.urate,  kc.  t  G.  de  la  Vega. 


198  HISTORY  OF  THE 


four  hundred  thousand  pesos.*  Diego  Centeno  was,  at  the  time  of 
the  battle,  so  enfeebled  by  malady  and  by  previous  fatigue,  that  he 
was  unable  to  lake  an  active  part  in  it.  He  was  carried  on  a  litter ; 
but  when  he  perceived  the  day  irretrievably  lost,  he  mounted  a 
horse,  and  with  the  greatest  difficulty,  succeeded  in  effecting  his 
escape.  He  wandered  for  a  long  time  accompanied  only  by  a 
single  attendant,  who  was  a  priest;  and,  after  a  variety  of  perilous 
escapes  and  hardships,  at  length  reached  Lima  in  safety,  but  in 
the  last  stage  of  want,  distress,  and  exhaustion. 

The  victory  of  Huarina  was  such  as  could  not  have  been  antici- 
pated by  either  party.  By  this  single  stroke  of  fortune,  the  aspect 
of  affairs  was  completely  changed.  It  was  a  severe  blow  to  the 
President's  party,  while  it  served  to  re-establish  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
in  his  former  power.  Indeed,  the  splendour  of  the  presentachieve- 
ment  was  such  as  to  command  admiration,  and  to  excite  dread  in 
the  breasts  of  those  who  had  forsaken  his  cause.  Many  began  to 
consider  Pizarro  unconquerable  in  the  field — the  more  so,  from  his 
being  supported  by  Carvajal,  the  first  man  in  Peru  with  regard 
to  military  abilities.  This  persuasion  produced  great  results;  a 
reaction  soon  took  place,  and  the  numbers  of  the  Governor's  army 
began  to  increase  with  the  same  rapidity  that  had  marked  the  pre- 
vious desertion  from  his  ranks.! 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

Fortune  declares  for  the  President  Lagasca. — 1'loodless  Victory  obtained  by  him, 
and  Downfall  of  Pizarro  and  Ins  Adherents. 

The  prosperity  which  the  recent  triumph  seemed  to  promise  to 
Pizarro,  was  but  of  short  continuance.  Though  he  found  himself 
in  a  more  formidable  attitude  than  ever,  events  had  taken  place  in 
other  parts  of  the  empire  to  excite  his  deepest  anxiety.  He  re- 
ceived intelligence,  from  various  quarters,  of  the  movements  of  the 
enemy ;  and  he  perceived  that,  instead  of  having  completely  de- 
stroyed the  party  of  Lagasca  by  the  victory  of  Huarina,  he  should 
be  obliged  to  exert  new  efforts  before  lie  could  see  such  an  event 
accomplished. 

*  Fernandez.  t  Zarate. — Gomara,  &c. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  199 

No  sooner  had  Gonzalo  Pizarro  quitted  Lima,  with  the  view  of 
advancing  against  Centeno,  than  the  feelings  of  the  inhabitants, 
suppressed  hitherto  by  his  dreaded  presence,  began  to  find  a  free 
vent.  They  soon  ripened  into  open  revolt ;  the  royal  standard 
was  erected ;  and  Lorenzo  de  Aldana,  having  effected  a  landing, 
took  possession  of  the  capital.  Nor  was  this  the  only  subject  of 
alarm.  Lagasca,  about  the  same  time,  made  his  appearance  at 
Tumbez,  at  the  head  of  five  hundred  men,  and  his  presence  was 
followed  by  the  most  fatal  results  to  the  cause  of  Pizarro.  Gradu- 
ally, every  one  of  the  neighbouring  settlements  began  to  declare 
for  the  President,  till  at  last  he  found  himself  complete  master  of 
all  the  country  round.  The  number  of  his  forces  was  augmented 
every  day;  a  fervent  zeal  for  the  royal  cause  was  exhibited  every- 
where; and  Lagasca,  overjoyed  at  his  rapidly  increasing  advan- 
tages, seemed  not  to  apprehend  the  terrible  power  with  which  Pi- 
zarro was  at  that  moment  invested. 

Lagasca  continued  to  exhibit  that  spirit  of  mildness  and  mode- 
ration which  was  natural  to  his  character,  and  which  had  so 
efficiently  promoted  his  views  from  the  commencement.  More 
anxious  to  reclaim  than  to  punish — more  willing  to  persuade  than 
to  conquer — he  appeared,  on  every  occasion,  to  place  greater  con- 
fidence in  his  character  as  a  minister  of  God,  than  in  his  high 
functions  as  delegate  from  a  most  powerful  sovereign.  Averse  to 
the  shedding  of  human  blood,  he  was  firmly  resolved  to  try  every 
expedient  before  he  had  recourse  to  that  extremity.  Yet  while, 
in  his  whole  deportment,  he  appeared  anxious  to  evince  that  dis- 
position which  ought  to  distinguish  a  minister  of  the  Gospel,  he 
was  not  neglectful  of  taking  such  prudential  measures  for  war  as 
bespoke  him  possessed  of  no  less  military  capacity,  than  of  virtue 
and  benevolence.  The  people  began  to  look  upon  the  President 
not  only  with  esteem,  hut  with  that  kind  of  deep  veneration  which 
Great  merit,  allied  to  simplicity  of  manners  and  unpretending 
modesty,  is  always  certain  to  inspire.  The  diminutive,  and  even 
ungainly  appearance  of  Lagasca,  his  total  want  of  pomp,  were 
forgotten;  and  some  of  those  very  men  who  had  heaped  abuse  and 
ridicule  on  a  poor  harmless  priest,  as  they  considered  him  when 
he  arrived  on  the  coast,  now  completely  changed  their  sentiments, 
and  were  prodigal  of  their  professions  of  obedience  am!  respect. 

The  President,  finding  himself  in  an  attitude  powerful  enough 
to  banish  apprehensions,  did  not  hesitate  to  advance  into  the  in- 
land country;  and  accordingly  departed  for  the  pleasant  valley  of 
Xauja,  which  he  selected  as  the  place  of  general  meeting  for  the 
Royalists.     This  valley,  situated  in   the   way  to  Cuzco,  was   ad- 


200  HISTORY  OF  THE 


mirably  adapted,  both  from  its  situation,  and  the  fertility  of  its 
soil,  to  the  purpose  for  which  it  had  been  chosen.  Lagasca  ar- 
rived at  the  place  without  inconvenience,  and  resolved  to  make  a 
considerable  stay.*  He  was  induced  to  this  by  many  considera- 
tions. His  favourite  scheme  of  arranging  matters  amicably,  dwelt 
so  strongly  on  his  mind,  that,  even  in  the  present  advanced  state 
of  affairs,  he  did  not  forego  all  hopes  of  accomplishing  his  wishes. 
He  still  indulged  the  thought  of  entering  into  negotiations  with 
Pizarro,  and  was  resolved  to  make  another  attempt  at  this,  before 
risking  the  issue  of  a  battle.  Besides,  though  his  troops  evinced 
great  zeal  in  the  cause,  and  seemed  animated  by  the  most  honour- 
able feelings,  he  could  not  but  perceive,  that  the  qualities  of  de- 
votedness  and  courage  are  not  alone  sufficient  to  obtain  the  palm 
in  war.  Discipline,  and  habits  of  military  life,  were  also  indis- 
pensable ;  and  in  these  requisites  his  army  was  rather  deficient. 
Composed,  in  a  great  measure,  of  young  volunteers,  and  of  men 
unaccustomed  to  the  use  of  arms,  his  troops,  though  containing  in 
their  ranks  many  officers  of  note  as  well  as  veteran  soldiers,  ap- 
peared, nevertheless,  vastly  inferior  to  the  army  of  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro, consisting,  as  it  did,  of  the  flower  of  the  military  force  in 
Peru.  Such  considerations  induced  the  President  Lagasca  to  order 
the  full  training  of  his  men  ;  and  he  spent  several  months  at  Xauja 
in  these  exercises. 

As  soon  as  Pedro  de  Valdivia,  the  Governor  of  Chili,  had  re- 
ceived intelligence  of  the  arrival  of  Lagasca,  and  the  rebellion  of 
Pizarro,  he  hastened  to  lend  his  assistance  to  the  royal  party;  and 
he  now  appeared  before  the  President  with  a  considerable  rein- 
forcement. His  presence  in  the  camp  was  of  the  greatest  conse- 
quence, as  it  tended  to  dispel  some  of  the  fears  which  had  been  of 
late  observable,  and  to  arouse  the  spirits  of  the  soldiers,  which  had 
begun  to  droop.  The  decisive  victory  of  Huarina,  and  the  total 
discomfiture  of  Diego  Centeno,  on  whom  the  firmest  reliance  was 
placed,  had  been  attended  with  discouraging  influence  upon  the 
troops  of  Lagasca.  Those  who  had  escaped  from  that  disastrous 
field,  painted  in  such  vivid  colours  the  extraordinary  courage  and 
fortune  of  Pizarro,  no  less  than  the  unequaled  military  abilities 
of  Carvajal,  that  those  names  had  become  a  by-word  of  terror 
with  many  of  the  soldiers.  But  the  arrival  of  Valdivia,  with  a 
numerous  train  of  officers  of  distinction  and  of  veterans,  tended  to 
remove  the  ill  effects  which  such  a  spirit  might  ultimately  have 
produced  ;  and  Lagasca,  with  the  advice  of  his  principal  adherents. 

*  Zarate. — Fernandez. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  201 

to  keep  his  men  occupied,  and  exhilarate  their  minds,  instituted 
several  martial  exercises  and  games.  A  round  of  festivities  took 
place,  ostensibly  to  celebrate  the  arrival  of  Valdivia,  though  motives 
of  more  vital  importance  had  suggested  this  idea.* 

Lagasca  and  his  army  passed  the  winter,  which  was  very  se- 
vere, at  Antahuaylla,  and  then  renewed  his  march  with  great 
regularity  and  order  towards  Cuzco,  which  was  occupied  by  the 
enemy.  After  the  battle  of  Huarina,  Pizarro,  elated  with  so  ex- 
traordinary a  success,  and  anticipating  the  most  extravagant  pros- 
pects, was  little  inclined  to  listen  to  the  proposals  of  accommoda- 
tion. He  was  now  at  the  head  of  a  thousand  men;  and  his  late 
victory  had  so  firmly  established  his  reputation  as  a  fortunate  and 
an  experienced  commander,  that  he  seemed  to  entertain  a  notion 
that  he  had  chained  destiny  to  his  car  for  ever.  Indeed  he  was  so 
infatuated  by  this  glittering  delusion,  that  he  neglected  to  pay  due 
attention  to  the  advice  even  of  those  men  to  whom,  in  former  times, 
he  had  listened  with  a  respect  and  deference  little  short  of  what 
is  shown  to  unerring  oracles.  Cepeda,  who  had  invariably  exer- 
cised such  a  decided  influence  over  all  his  measures  and  resolu- 
tions, was  now  disregarded.  That  subtle  lawyer,  whether  from 
some  hidden  motives,  or  for  reasons  of  a  more  honourable  nature, 
showed,  after  the  battle  of  Huarina,  a  different  set  of  opinions  from 
what  he  had  evinced  previously  to  that  event.  He  now  appeared 
as  strongly  inclined  to  peace  as  formerly  he  had  zealously  advo- 
cated measures  of  resistance.  He  advised  Pizarro  to  enter  into 
some  accommodation  with  Lagasca.  He  urged  arguments  which 
were  at  once  ingenious  in  form,  and  just  in  substance.  He  said, 
that  a  most  favourable  juncture  presented  itself  for  commencing 
amicable  arrangements,  as  the  advantageous  position  in  which 
Pizarro  stood  precluded  all  suspicion  that  he  was  actuated  by  sen- 
timents of  fear,  or  by  any  other  unworthy  motive.  On  the  other 
hand,  Lagasca  was  eagerly  inclined  to  an  amicable  adjustment, 
and  Pizarro  could  easily  obtain  such  terms  as  would  screen  at  once 
his  honour  as  a  soldier,  and  protect  the  bulk  of  his  fortune. 

The  sagacious  Cepeda  had  perhaps  other  motives  for  following 
his  present  line  of  conduct;  for,  even  at  this  stage  of  the  proceed- 
ings, he  began  to  be  suspected  of  acting  in  concert  with  Lagasca. 
Pizarro  paid  no  regard  to  the  remonstrances  of  Cepeda,  nor  were 
•hose  of*  !arvajal  attended  with  greater  success.  This  old  veteran, 
strange  as  it  may  appear,  was  now  strongly  inclined  to  listen  to 
terms  of  accommodation.    Though  a  sentiment  so  much  at  variance 

*   Fernandez. — G.  de  la  Vega. 


202  HISTORY  OF  THE 

with  his  usual  disposition,  and  with  the  former  bent  of  his  life,  may 
seem  strange,  it  is  nevertheless  susceptible  of  easy  solution.  Car- 
vajal,  though  he  had,  from  the  commencement,  advocated  the  most 
decided  measures,  had  at  last  found  that  Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  not 
fitted  to  carry  so  gigantic  an  undertaking  as  the  one  in  which  they 
were  embarked,  to  a  successful  termination.  Hence,  when  La- 
gasca  made  his  appearance  in  the  country,  he  had,  in  opposition 
to  Cepeda,  counseled  the  Governor  to  submit  to  the  President,  as 
the  most  prudent  course  he  could  adopt.  He  did  not  perceive  in 
Pizarro  those  abilities,  and  that  strong  decision  of  purpose,  neces- 
sary for  competing  in  open  arms  against  a  sovereign,  and  for  act- 
ing in  direct  opposition  to  deeply-rooted  prejudices.  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro, though  possessed  of  extraordinary  military  bravery,  was 
deficient  in  political  courage.  While  contending  against  the  King- 
in  open  rebellion,  he  appeared  still  anxious  to  keep  up  a  sem- 
blance of  respect  for  his  sovereign ;  he  seemed,  as  it  were,  anxious 
to  hide  from  the  conviction  of  his  own  mind,  the  magnitude  of  the 
offence  of  which  he  found  himself  guilty,  but  which  he  had  nei- 
ther the  resolution  to  repent,  nor  the  spirit  to  despise.  This  frame 
of  mind  was  fraught  with  imminent  danger;  and  Carvajal,  inti- 
mately aware  of  it,  was  anxious  to  follow  that  course  which  was 
certainly  the  most  prudent.  Though  victory  had  crowned  the 
exertions  of  the  party,  and  though  the  achievement  at  Huarina 
was  one  of  the  most  splendid  that  is  recorded  in  the  annals  of  the 
New  World,  the  searching  eye  of  Carvajal,  and  the  calmness  of 
thought  that  actuated  his  every  motion,  clearly  discerned  the 
gathering  storm  that  was  to  burst  upon  them.  Seeing,  however. 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  averse  to  follow  the  advice,  not  only  afforded  by 
him  and  Cepeda,  but  also  by  other  principal  men,  he  desisted, 
resolving,  however,  to  adhere  faithful  to  his  standard.* 

Carvajal,  perceiving  the  Governor  so  decided  against  peace,  en- 
deavoured to  inculcate  the  most  salutary  instructions  for  the  fur- 
therance of  the  opposite  course.  He  advised  Pizarro  to  disband 
all  those  soldiers  that  had  belonged  to  the  army  of  Centeno,  as  he 
said  that  no  reliance  could  be  placed  upon  men  goaded  with  the 
shame  of  defeat,  and  bound  to  Pizarro  by  no  more  endurable  ties 
than  those  of  compulsion.  Instead  of  doinganyservice  to  the  cause, 
their  presence  in  the  army  would  only  tend  to  produce  the  most 
mischievous  effects.  To  this  advice  he  added  another,  terrible  no 
doubt,  but  most  effective  in  its  consequences  if  put  into  practice. 
Carvajal  observed,  that  the  army  of  Lagasca  had  been  increased 

*  Fernandez, 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  203 

to  a  very  great  number;  yet  it  could  only  claim  the  advantage  of 
a  mere  numerical  majority.  The  amount  of  good  and  well-disci- 
plined soldiers  was  comparatively  small  ;  and  the  great  mass  was 
composed  of  a  miscellaneous  crowd  of  sailors  and  disbanded  ad- 
venturers, with  a  mixture  of  the  lowest  rabble.  It  was  easy  to 
conceive  the  sentiments  by  which  such  an  assemblage  must  be 
actuated.  The  majority,  though  apparently  animated  with  zeal 
for  the  cause,  were  far  from  sincere ;  and  had  volunteered  their 
services  solely  with  a  view  to  the  great  booty  which  they  expected 
would  fall  to  their  share  in  the  contest.  They  advanced  towards 
Cuzco,  no  doubt,  with  an  impression  that  great  wealth  would  be 
accumulated  during  the  sack  of  the  town.  To  obviate  this  incon- 
venience and  crush  the  hopes  of  the  enemy,  Carvajal  advised 
Pizarro  to  demolish  the  town,  and,  after  taking  away  as  many 
articles  of  value  as  they  could  carry,  to  destroy  the  rest.  He  also 
wished  that  the  flocks,  as  well  as  every  article  of  food,  should  be 
removed  from  all  those  places  through  which  the  enemy  was  to 
pass,  in  order  that  desertion  might  take  place  among  a  crowd  of 
undisciplined  men,  who  would  ill  put  up  with  such  severe  hard- 
ships and  disappointments.* 

Pizarro  refused  to  follow  this  course.  He  could  conceive  no 
extreme  urgency  for  this  measure,  nor  any  necessity  of  resorting 
to  such  calamitous  expedients,  when  he  felt  confident  in  his  own 
power.  Besides,  he  alleged,  that,  to  abandon  Cuzco  in  ruins  to 
the  enemy,  and  retreat  before  his  approach,  was  a  course  unworthy 
of  a  veteran  army  accustomed  to  victory,  and  would  argue  an 
indecision  or  a  pusillanimity  ill  corresponding  with  their  former 
conduct.  Pizarro  being  accordingly  resolved  to  meet  the  foe,  and 
Lagasca  advancing  in  the  meanwhile  towards  Cuzco,  the  Gover- 
nor made  choice  of  Juan  de  Acosta,  one  of  his  principal  officers, 
to  advance,  and  oppose  the  crossing  of  the  river  Apurimal,  which 
Lagasca  was  obliged  to  pass  before  he  could  reach  the  city.  Acosta 
failed  in  his  enterprise,  and  returned  precipitately  to  Cuzco,  with 
the  intelligence  that  Lagasca  was  advancing  by  a  rapid  march 
towards  the  city.  Pizarro,  upon  this,  issued  orders  that  the  army 
should  he  in  readiness  to  depart  for  Sacsahuana,  a  place  distant 
ahout  four  leagues  from  ('uzco. 

This  resolution  was  taken  against  the  advice  of  Carvajal,  and 
the  more  prudent  officers,  who  said  it  were  more  politic  to  await 
the  enemy  quietly,  than  to  fatigue  the  troops  with  an  unnecessary 
march,  which  would  only  lessen  the  labours  of  tin:  enemy.      Pun 

*   Fernando/. . 


204  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Gonzalo  Pizarro,  and  the  younger  portion  of  his  officers,  being 
eager  for  an  engagement,  despised  the  counsels  of  the  more  ex- 
perienced veterans.  Hence,  when  the  army  quitted  Cuzco,  a 
melancholy  spirit  of  discontent  was  perceptible;  nor  were  these 
unfavourable  symptoms  removed  when  they  arived  at  Sacsahuana, 
and  came  in  sight  of  the  enemy.  There  were  in  the  ranks  of 
Pizarro  above  three  hundred  of  the  former  followers  of  Centeno, 
whom  the  Governor  had  injudiciously  kept  in  the  army,  and  whose 
fidelity  he  himself  began  now  to  doubt;  but  the  time  for  a  remedy 
was  past.  Lagasca's  army  amounted  to  nearly  two  thousand  men  ; 
but,  though  double  in  number  to  the  troops  of  Pizarro,  they  were 
vastly  inferior  in  discipline  and  in  habits  of  war.  Still,  the  Presi- 
dent entertained  the  most  sanguine  hopes  as  to  the  result  of  the 
campaign.  He  had  carried  on  a  clandestine  correspondence  with 
Cepeda,  who  was,  as  we  have  seen,  one  of  the  most  influential 
men  in  the  party  of  the  Governor;  and  that  lawyer  had  assured 
him,  by  means  of  a  friar,  that,  should  Pizarro  refuse  to  enter  into 
any  accommodation,  he  would  desert  with  a  considerable  body  of 
the  troops,  and  join  the  royal  standard  before  a  battle  took  place.* 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  now  sent  two  priests  to  parley  with  the  Presi- 
dent. He  required  Lagasca  to  exhibit  the  royal  document,  by 
which  he  was  deprived  of  the  government  of  Peru,  stating  that, 
upon  its  production,  he  would  lay  down  his  arms  and  submit;  but 
that,  if  he  did  not  present  this  document,  and  if,  after  the  present 
requisition,  he  still  preserved  his  hostile  attitude,  he  was  deter- 
mined to  engage  in  a  conflict,  the  disasters  of  which  he  laid  upon 
Lagasca's  head.  The  latter,  learning  that  the  priests  were  en- 
deavouring to  bribe  his  men,  arrested  them,  but  showed  much 
leniency  of  deportment.  He  then  replied  to  the  requisition  of 
Pizarro  in  mild  language,  expressing  ardent  wishes  for  an  accom- 
modation. He  earnestly  conjured  the  Governor  to  lay  down  his 
arms,  as  he  could  not  employ  them  under  existing  circumstances, 
without  being  considered  a  traitor  and  a  rebel.  He  said  that  he 
was  empowered  to  grant  a  full  pardon  for  past  offences ;  and  this 
he  would  most  joyfully  bestow  on  him  and  his  followers,  if  they 
surrendered  like  dutiful  subjects,  and  ranged  themselves  round  the 
royal  standard.  He  added,  that  Pizarro  had  not  now  a  shadow  of 
pretence  for  continuing  the  rash  line  of  conduct  which  he  had 
adopted,  as,  by  the  revocation  of  the  obnoxious  laws  and  regula- 
tions, every  subject  of  complaint  was  removed  from  the  Spanish 
colonists  in  Peru.     He  accordingly  earnestly  urged  Pizarro  to  avert 

*  Gomara. — G.  de  la  Vega. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  205 

the  dreadful  calamities  which  were  on  the  point  of  falling  so  heavily 
on  a  multitude  of  his  fellow-countrymen,  who,  instead  of  joining 
in  mutual  aid  and  support,  were  now  prepared  to  destroy  each 
other.* 

This  answer  evinced  great  kindness  and  moderation:  but  the 
chief  to  whom  it  was  addressed  treated  it  with  contemptuous  dis- 
regard. Pizarro  was  so  infatuated  by  the  favours  of  fortune — he 
placed  so  great  a  reliance  on  the  fidelity  and  valour  of  his  troops, 
and  was  so  confident  of  victory — that  he  conceived  an  answer  cha- 
racterized by  moderation  to  be  full  of  arrogance ;  and  he  would  not 
enter  into  any  friendly  arrangement  with  Lagasca.  All  thoughts 
of  peace  were,  accordingly,  thrown  aside ;  and  the  two  armies 
prepared  for  that  conflict  which  was  now  unavoidable. 

By  the  dawn  of  the  day,  on  the  9th  of  April  1548,  Pizarro  be- 
gan to  form  his  ranks.  Cepeda  was  intrusted  with  that  part  of 
the  duty  which  had  hitherto  devolved  on  Carvajal ;  for  this  veteran, 
annoyed  to  see  the  Governor  thus  obstinately  bent  on  pursuing  his 
own  imprudent  views,  had  retired  from  his  important  station,  and 
resolved  to  fight  in  the  ranks  in  no  higher  capacity  than  that  of  a 
simple  officer.t  No  sooner  were  the  armies  ready  to  engage,  than 
Garcilaso  de  la  Vega,  an  officer  of  note,  put  spurs  to  his  horse,  and 
fled  to  the  camp  of  Lagasca.  Cepeda  was  waiting  for  an  oppor- 
tunity of  following  his  example,  but  was  compelled  to  defer  his 
design  for  some  time.  The  battle  began  by  a  few  discharges  of 
artillery,  which  were  attended  with  no  effect;  when  Cepeda  pre- 
tending to  reconnoitre  in  advance,  being  well  mounted,  suddenly 
darted  over  the  field,  and  joined  the  enemy.  His  arrival,  which 
was  expected  by  Lagasca,  was  hailed  with  great  joy,  as  it  was 
thought  material  for  deciding  the  fortune  of  the  day.  This  fatal 
example  was  followed  by  others  with  such  rapidity,  that  Pizarro 
was  at  length  awakened  from  his  delusion,  and  began  to  feel  the 
deepest  anxiety.  The  veteran  Carvajal,  meanwhile,  who  had  an- 
ticipated this  calamity,  and  was  at  the  same  time  piqued  that,  by 
the  folly  of  the  Governor,  they  should  have  been  reduced  to  this 
pass,  kept  singing  aloud, 

"  Kstos  mis  cabcllicos  madre, 
Dos  a  dos  rac  los  lleva  el  ayre." 

"  Alack  !  my  mother,  these  my  hairs, 
The  wind  is  carrying  them  by  pairs." 

The  desertion  continued  to  increase  in  such  an  alarming  manner, 

*  Gomara.  t  G.delaVccra. 


206  HISTORY  OF  THE 


that,  in  a  short  time,  all  sort  of  discipline  was  lost,  and  the  soldiers 
began  to  slip  away  without  the  least  scruple.  Pizarro  in  vain 
exerted  all  his  endeavours  to  recall  the  deserters.  The  example 
was  contagious ;  the  evil  past  all  remedy;  for  every  one  began  to 
follow  the  bent  of  his  inclination.  Some  laid  down  their  arms, 
others  betook  themselves  to  flight,  and  the  greater  number  passed 
over  to  the  enPmy's  camp.  In  this  extremity,  seeing  the  day 
irrevocably  lost,  Pizarro,  turning  with  a  look  of  sorrow  and  amaze- 
ment, towards  a  knot  of  officers  who  still  remained  faithful  to  him, 
exclaimed:  "Gentlemen,  what  remains  for  us  to  do  now?"  To 
which  Juan  de  Acosta  answered  resolutely,  "Sefior,  let  us  rush 
upon  the  foe,  and  die  like  the  ancient  Romans."* 

Pizarro,  either  thunderstruck,  or  desponding  at  so  unexpected 
and  overpowering  a  calamity,  had  not  strength  of  mind  enough 
to  follow  the  advice  of  his  gallant  companion,  but  tamely  said, 
"  Since  all  my  men  go  over  to  the  King,  I  will  follow  their  exam- 
ple."! So  strange  a  resolution — one  indeed  so  much  at  variance 
with  the  daring  and  elevation  which  characterized  Pizarro — is  well 
calculated  to  excite  surprise.  Yet  history  is  not  unprovided  with 
instances  of  a  similar  nature;  and  men  who  have  been,  throughout 
a  long  career,  distinguished  for  extraordinary  energy  of  character, 
have,  at  some  period,  evinced  such  unaccountable  weakness,  as 
demonstrates  the  intricacy  of  the  human  mind,  while  it  overturns 
every  theory  that  pretends  to  expound  them.  Pizarro  then  di- 
rected his  course  towards  the  enemy's  camp,  attended  by  Juan  de 
Acosta,  Maldonado  and  Guevara,  who  adhered  faithfully  to  him, 
to  the  very  last.  They  surrendered  to  the  first  of  the  President's 
officers  whom  they  met,  and  were  conducted  into  his  presence 
without  delay.  Lagasca  departed,  on  this  occasion,  from  the  mild- 
ness which  usually  marked  his  character;  and  indignant,  no  doubt, 
at  the  obstinacy  evinced  by  Pizarro,  as  well  as  elated  by  so  signal 
and  bloodless  a  victory,  he  could  not  help  upbraiding  his  fallen  foe 
for  his  criminal  conduct.  Pizarro  felt  the  indignity  and  humilia- 
tion of  his  present  state ;  and,  with  some  degree  of  haughtiness, 
answered,  "  Sir,  this  country  was  conquered  at  the  expense,  and 
by  the  achievements,  of  my  brothers  and  myself.  I  was  appointed 
to  its  trovernment  both  bv  the  requisition  of  the  cities,  and  by  the 
will  of  my  brother,  empowered  to  name  a  successor  by  the  Emperor 
himself."  Lagasca,  vexed  at  the  unbending  haughtiness  of  his 
prisoner,  ordered  him  to  be  removed  from  his  sight ;  and  intrusted 
him  to  the  care  of  Diego  Centeno.t 

*  Gomara.  t  Zarate.  :  Gomara. — Zarate. — G.  de  la  Vega.,  kc. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  207 

Meantime,  Francisco  Carvajal  had  endeavoured  to  save  himself 
by  flight.  Unwilling  to  follow  the  example  of  his  chief,  as  he 
knew  that  no  mercy  could  be  extended  to  them,  he  fled  from  the 
field;  but  his  exertions  were  not  seconded  by  the  horse  which  he 
rode.  With  great  difficulty,  he  succeeded  in  escaping  from  the 
scene  of  action;  but,  having  to  traverse  a  rivulet,  his  horse  fell 
near  its  brink.  Carvajal  being  very  corpulent,  and  oppressed  both 
with  fatigue  and  the  weight  of  years,  was  unable  to  rise ;  and  in 
this  situation  he  was  found  by  a  party  of  deserters  belonging  to 
his  own  troops.  The  wretches  were  overjoyed  at  the  capture,  as 
they  conceived  him  to  be  a  prize  of  the  greatest  value  in  the  eyes 
of  the  enemy ;  and  they  expected  to  be  not  only  pardoned,  but 
rewarded,  on  delivering  up  the  hardy  veteran  to  the  President. 
He  was  conducted,  with  shouts  of  joy  and  congratulation,  to  the 
tent  of  Lagasca  ;  and  an  immense  number  thronged  forward  to 
behold  the  extraordinary  man,  who  had  rendered  himself  famous 
alike  for  his  great  deeds  and  for  his  acts  of  cruelty.  He  was 
loaded  with  reproaches  and  curses,  which  he  endured  with  im- 
perturbable coolness  and  indifference.  To  the  charges  which  were 
made  against  him  by  the  President,  Centeno,  Valdivia,  and  other 
officers,  he  deigned  not  to  return  an  answer;  and  all  the  time  he 
was  in  their  presence,  he  comported  himself  with  a  calmness  ap- 
proaching to  contempt. 

None  of  Pizarro's  officers  succeeded  in  making  their  escape, 
except  Juan  de  la  Torre.  Fie  was  indebted  for  his  safety  to  a 
faithful  Indian  servant,  who  concealed  him  in  a  hut  in  Cuzco, 
where  he  remained  about  four  months,  at  the  end  of  which  he  was 
discovered  by  a  Spaniard,  and  arrested.  He  was  afterwards  con- 
demned to  death,  and  hanged.  The  affair  at  Sacsahuana  had  oc- 
cupied so  little  time,  that,  by  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  every- 
thing was  in  as  perfect  tranquillity,  as  if  there  had  not  been  any 
hostile  encounter.  Indeed,  in  the  battle  itself — if  the  action 
merited  at  all  such  a  name — merely  ten  or  twelve  men  were  killed 
among  the  followers  of  Pizarro,  and  only  one  in  the  army  of  the 
President."1  Lagasca,  highly  pleased  at  having  obtained  so  blood- 
less a  victory,  now  issued  general  instructions  for  securing  the  ad- 
vantages which  be  derived  from  it.  The  reduction  of  the  country 
was  complete,  and  no  vestige  of  the  party  that  bad  caused  so 
many  disturbances  was  anywhere  to  be  found.  The  greater  part 
of  the  army  had  returned  to  their  duty,  and  the  few  desperate 
men  who  could  excite  any  apprehensions,  were   now  captives  of 

*  Gomara. 


208  HISTORY  OF  THE 


the  President,  and  strongly  guarded.  Their  fate  was  in  his  hands. 
It  was  now  in  the  President's  power  to  apply  a  radical  remedy  to 
the  evils  and  dissensions  in  Peru. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

Execution  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  Carvajal,  &c. — Their  Characters — Conclusion. 

Lagasca,  considering  himself  now  in  peaceful  possession  of  the 
country,  displayed  that  benevolence  which  had  so  strikingly  marked 
his  former  proceedings.  He  pardoned  almost  all  the  offenders,  ex- 
cept those  whom,  from  their  obstinacy  and  dangerous  character,  it 
was  judged  indispensable  to  punish.  The  tranquillity  of  Peru,  as 
well  as  public  example,  required  the  sacrifice  of  Pizarro,  with  a  few 
of  his  principal  accomplices.  The  very  next  day,  the  prisoners  were 
tried;  and,  as  the  charges  brought  against  them  were  fully  proved, 
sentence  of  death  was  passed  upon  them.  The  deportment  ot 
Carvajal,  during  his  confinement  and  trial,  was  extraordinary. 
There  was  a  degree  not  only  of  indifference,  but  even  of  levity  and 
buffoonery,  displayed  in  his  conduct,  wholly  unbecoming  a  man 
of  such  advanced  age,  and  on  the  point  of  being  thus  ignominious]}" 
sent  into  eternity.  He  was  visited  in  the  prison  by  several  individu- 
als; some  led  by  curiosity,  others  bringing  strange  requisitions.  A 
tradesman  among  others,  came  to  demand  the  restitution  of  a  great 
sum  of  money,  and  pathetically  remonstrated  with  Carvajal  on  the 
danger  his  soul  would  incur  in  a  future  state,  if  he  neglected  to 
settle  his  debts  before  he  departed  from  this  world.  This  strange 
application,  made  to  a  man  who  had  not  a  coin  to  call  his  own. 
was  answered  by  Carvajal,  in  his  usual  style  of  jocularity. 
"  Friend,"  he  said,  smiling,  "  what  are  you  saying  about  a  great 
debt  ?  the  only  one  with  which  my  conscience  reproaches  me,  is 
that  of  a  rial,  which  I  owe  to  an  old  public-house  keeper  at  Se- 
ville ;  so  go  your  ways,  and  don't  trouble  me  with  such  stories.'" 

Carvajal  was  dragged  to  the  place  of  execution  with  ignominy. 
and  underwent  his  fate  with  extraordinary  coolness,  and  even  in- 
difference. He  was  hanged  the  day  after  his  capture1,  in  the 
eighty-fourth  year  of  his  age.*     His  long  career  of  life  had  been 

Gomara. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  209 

devoted  entirely  to  the  profession  of  arms ;  so  that  he  possessed 
consummate  knowledge  in  the  art  of  war.  He  had  served  in  Italy 
under  Gonzalo  de  Cordova,  and  had  particularly  distinguished 
himself  in  the  battle  of  Ravenna,  where  he  fought  as  an  ensign. 
He  may  justly  be  considered  as  the  most  experienced  and  skillful 
officer  that  ever  appeared  on  the  scene  of  American  conquest ;  and 
his  superiority  in  military  tactics  was  universally  acknowledged. 
But  he  continually  stained  the  lustre  which  would  have  attended 
his  valour  and  abilities,  by  the  ferocity  of  his  conduct.  He  was 
of  so  sanguinary  a  character,  that  he  inflicted  death  for  the  most 
trifling  offences — even  for  no  offence  at  all,  when  he  considered 
that  the  sacrifice  of  human  blood  was  favourable  to  his  schemes. 
His  rigour  with  regard  to  military  discipline  was  carried  to  such 
an  extreme,  as  to  create  a  sensation  of  dread  and  horror  among 
the  independent  and  lawless  adventurers,  who  had  hitherto  been 
accustomed  to  conduct  themselves  as  best  suited  their  purpose,  and 
without  much  reference  to  martial  regulations.  His  name  became, 
therefore,  a  by-word  of  terror;  and,  though  his  severity  was  at- 
tended with  beneficial  results  to  the  army,  by  the  establishment  of 
military  discipline,  it  is  not  less  true  that  it  induced  many  to  de- 
sert. Neither  his  capture  nor  death  created  any  sensation  of 
pity  or  regret;  for,  though  his  merits  could  not  but  be  generally 
appreciated,  he  was  universally  an  object  of  dread  or  abhorrence. 
Carvajal  had  nothing  to  recommend  him  in  his  personal  appear- 
ance. He  was  of  middle  stature,  but  of  such  corpulency  as  to 
deprive  his  person  of  ah  pretensions  to  elegance  and  noble  bearing.* 
The  principal  adherents  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  underwent  a  fate 
similar  to  that  of  Carvajal.  Juan  de  Acosta,  Maldonado,  and  other 
gallant  officers,  were  sacrificed  to  expediency  and  necessity;  for 
Lagasca,  though  averse  to  the  spilling  of  human  blood,  justly  con- 
ceived, that  men  who  had  borne  so  conspicuous  a  part  in  the  re- 
bellion, and  were,  besides,  noted  for  other  excesses,  ought  not  to 
experience  that  indulgence  which,  in  similar  cases,  is  awarded  to 
inferior  and  less  dangerous  delinquents.  The  heads  of  Acosta 
and  Maldonado  were  exposed  in  iron  cages  in  the  public  market 
at  Cuzco,  and  those  of  the  other  officers  were  sent  to  different  cities 
of  the  empire,  to  undergo  the  same  ignominy.!  The  precipitancy 
with  which  these  various  executions  were  conducted,  argued  the 
importance  which  was  attached  to  the  victims  ;  for  Lagasca  felt 
aware  that  he  could  not  enjoy  complete  security,  as  long  as  Pi- 
zarro and  his  devoted  companions  remained  alive.    The  Governor, 

*   Zarate.  t  Zarate. — G.  de  la  Vega. 

11 


210  HISTORY  OF  THE 

from  the  period  of  his  interview  with  the  President,  foresaw  that 
he  had  no  mercy  to  expect,  and  that  his  fate  was  sealed.  A  most 
extraordinary  change  occurred  in  his  whole  character  and  deport- 
ment. 

From  the  moment  he  was  confined  under  the  charge  of  Cen- 
teno,  he  began  to  walk  about  in  a  pensive  and  melancholy  mood, 
and  would  not  allow  himself  to  be  interrupted  by  any  one.  When 
night  arrived,  he  inquired  of  Centeno  if  he  might  expect  to  live 
that  night ;  and  being  answered  in  the  affirmative,  he  took  a  short 
repose,  but  rose  betimes,  and  began  to  walk  about  in  the  same 
train  of  reverie.  He  refused  to  take  any  nourishment,  though  he 
wras  repeatedly  urged  to  it ;  nor  would  he  pay  the  least  attention 
to  the  apparent  respect  which,  owing  to  his  rank,  Centeno  thought 
proper  to  testify.  Early  in  the  morning,  Pizarro  asked  for  a  priest, 
with  whom  he  spent  all  the  time,  until  his  execution,  in  the  exer- 
cises of  devotion.  He  appeared  to  be  wholly  absorbed  in  so  awful 
an  occupation,  and  showed  sincere  repentance  for  the  excesses 
and  transgressions  of  his  stormy  life.  He  then  mounted  a  mule, 
and  proceeded  to  the  place  of  execution  without  being  bound.  He 
carried  in  his  hands  an  image  of  the  Virgin,  and  a  crucifix;  and 
was  attended  by  a  great  number  of  priests,  to  whose  words  he 
seemed  to  be  paying  profound  attention. 

He  ascended  the  platform  where  he  was  to  suffer  death,  with 
the  greatest  firmness  and  composure,  but  showed  not  the  least 
token  of  that  bravado  and  indifference  which  are  so  often  assumed 
to  display  a  contempt  of  death,  but  which,  instead  of  impressing 
the  beholders  with  sentiments  of  admiration,  naturally  create 
feelings  of  horror  and  disgust.  Pizarro  advanced  to  the  border  of 
the  platform,  and  cast  a  look  upon  the  surrounding  multitude, 
whom  he  appeared  desirous  of  addressing.  Indeed,  in  this  motley 
crowd  were  many  of  his  brave  veterans,  companions  in  his  peril- 
ous expeditions,  and  partakers  of  his  glory  and  disasters.  Pizarro, 
then,  in  a  loud,  clear,  and  collected  voice,  said,  "  It  is  well  known 
to  you,  that  this  empire,  in  which  I  am  about  to  suffer  death,  was 
conquered  by  my  brothers  and  myself.  Many  of  you  here  pre- 
sent are  indebted  for  the  wealth  you  possess,  either  in  Indians  or 
lands,  to  the  gift  of  rny  brother  the  Marquess,  or  myself.  Many 
there  are,  also,  who  have  experienced  repeated  tokens  of  personal 
kindness  ;  and  others  who,  on  account  of  a  long  companionship  in 
trouble  and  peril,  glory  and  adventure,  ought  to  hear  the  name  of 
Pizarro  with  some  degree  of  regard.  To  ail  these  I  now  make 
known  my  poverty.  1  die  in  extreme  indigence  ;  so  poor,  indeed, 
that  the  very  dress  in  which  I  am  attired  is  to  become,  according 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  211 

to  law,  the  property  of  the  executioner  who  is  to  sever  my  head 
from  my  body.  I  die,  therefore,  without  the  smallest  means  of 
defraying  the  expenses  of  my  burial,  or  obtaining  the  aid  of  those 
prayers  and  masses  necessary  for  the  repose  of  my  soul.  I  be- 
seech you,  then,  as  friends  and  Christians,  to  help  me  with  your 
charity,  and  to  do  that  after  my  death  which  my  utter  destitution 
prevents  me  from  securing  in  life.  I  die  a  Christian  ;  and,  through 
the  merits  of  our  Saviour,  and  your  prayers  and  charity,  I  hope 
for  the  remission  of  my  offences." 

This  address,  delivered  in  an  impressive  tone  and  manner, 
created  a  deep  sensation  among  the  assembled  multitude.  Groans 
and  sighs  were  heard  on  every  side,  and  tokens  of  sincere  sorrow 
displayed  in  the  looks  of  the  greater  number  of  spectators  of  the 
tragic  scene.  The  head  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  then  cut  off' with 
a  single  stroke.  It  was  afterwards  carried,  together  with  that  of 
Carvajal,  to  Lima,  where  they  were  placed  in  iron  cages  in  the 
public  square.  His  houses  at  Cuzco  were  razed  to  the  ground, 
and  a  pillar  erected  on  the  spot,  on  which  was  the  following  in- 
scription : — "  This  was  the  property  of  the  traitor  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro." His  mortal  remains  were  interred  in  the  convent  of  the 
Lady  of  Mercies  at  Cuzco,  where  lay  the  bodies  of  the  two  Alma- 
gros.  They  displayed  thus  a  striking  similarity  in  their  lot,  all 
three  having  been  warriors  and  conquerors  of  Peru — all  beheaded 
at  Cuzco,  and  being  now  all  united  in  one  grave.* 

Such  was  the  end  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  the  youngest  brother  of 
that  extraordinary  family,  whose  achievements,  excesses,  suffer- 
ings, and  crimes,  have  been  so  conspicuous  and  memorable  in 
Peru.  He  was  inferior  to  neither  of  his  brothers  in  the  requisites 
of  a  hardy  soldier  and  an  able  commander,  though  certainly  greatly 
so  to  Don  Francisco  in  genius,  and  to  Ferdinand  in  abilities.  But 
his  conduct  was  not  so  marked  by  cruelty,  and  not  so  imbued  with 
the  darker  feelings  of  revenge.  Though  not  remarkable  for  sua- 
vity of  temper,  he  was  yet  still  very  far  from  meriting  that  odium 
for  sanguinary  atrocity  which  modern  authors  have  affixed  to  his 
memory.  Almost  all  the  cotemporary  historians  represent  Gon- 
zalo Pizarro  very  differently  from  the  picture  thus  afforded  of  him. 
Indeed,  Garcilaso  de  la  Vega  describes  him  as  "  generous,  affa- 
ble, incapable  of  deception,  of  an  unsuspicious  temper,  possessing 
elevation  of  soul,  and  endowed  with  all  the  qualities  which  a  noble 
mind  ought  to  possess."  But,  without  adopting  implicitly  the  state- 
ment of  this  historian,  the  reader  can  proceed  with  due  caution  in 
forming  an  estimate  of  his  good  qualities,  as  well  as  views. 

*  G.  de  la  Vega. 


212  HISTORY  OF  THE 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  possessed  a  handsome  person,  and  a  graceful  and 
martial  carriage.  His  constitution  was  strong,  and  capable  of  en- 
during extraordinary  fatigue,  as  it  is  easy  to  discover  in  the  course 
of  his  eventful  life.  He  was  a  capital  horseman,  and  extremely  skill- 
ful in  the  use  of  various  weapons  ;  a  good  marksman  and  archer  ; 
and  the  best  adept  in  the  management  of  the  lance  that  had  ap- 
peared in  the  New  World.  The  Pizarros  were  born  in  the  city 
of  Trujillo,  in  Estremadura,  a  province  justly  renowned  for  having 
supplied  by  far  the  greatest  portion  of  the  conquerors  of  America. 
By  a  singular  coincidence,  the  most  celebrated  warriors,  both  of 
Mexico  and  Peru,  were  of  that  province  ;  viz.  Hernan  Cortes, 
Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa,  the  four  brothers  Pizarro,  the  brothers 
Alvarado  and  Chaves,  Garcilaso  de  la  Vega,  Alvarez  Holguin, 
Hernando  Soto,  Sandoval,  and  many  others  of  inferior  note. 

The  lawyer  Cepeda,  who  had  been  at  least  equally  criminal 
with  Gonzalo  Pizarro  and  Carvajal,  had  his  life  spared  by  La- 
gasca,  on  account  of  the  service  which  he  had  done  to  the  cause, 
by  his  desertion  at  so  critical  a  period.  Indeed,  the  service  was 
one  of  great  magnitude,  if  we  consider  the  effects  by  which  it  was 
followed  ;  for  it  influenced  materially  in  the  general  desertion 
which  ensued,  and  which  decided  the  fate  of  the  day.  But  his 
treason  could  not  be  treated  with  respect,  nor  honoured  with  a  re- 
ward. His  previous  conduct  had  been  so  marked,  that,  even  with 
the  greatest  latitude  of  indulgence,  it  could  not  be  passed  over  with 
indifference.  Indeed,  the  life  of  Cepeda  was  remarkable  for  such 
a  thorough  disregard  of  principle,  as  ouqhtto  consign  his  memory 
to  eternal  contempt.  It  presented  an  illustration  of  such  refined 
treacherv,  as  is  seldom  to  be  met  with  in  history,  although,  un- 
fortunately, it  has  been  conspicuously  exhibited  in  Peru.  Cepeda 
first  betrayed  the  Viceroy  Nunez  Vela,  and,  by  his  influence  and 
exertions,  was  the  cause  of  the  rebellion  of  the  Audience,  and 
of  the  disturbances  which  followed.  He  next  entered  into  nego- 
tiation with  Gonzalo  Pizarro  to  betray  his  associates,  which  he 
did  ;  and  after  he  had  been  distinguished  by  the  confidence  of  that 
commander,  and  held  a  most  conspicuous  station  in  his  army  and 
government,  he  ultimately  betrayed  him  also,  to  pass  over  to  La- 
gasca,  the  man  whom  he  had  himself  not  long  before  condemned 
to  death.  Such  a  character  could  not  but  be  despicable,  at  the 
same  time  that  it  was  dangerous  ;  and,  accordingly,  Cepeda  was 
sent  prisoner  to  Spain  shortly  after  the  fate  of  his  companions,  and 
ended  his  days  miserably  in  confinement.* 

*  Zarate. — Gomara. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  213 

Such  was  the  fate  that  attended  the  principal  accomplices  of 
Gonzalo  Pizarro.  In  the  contemplation  of  such  a  series  of  com- 
motions, excesses  of  every  kind,  and  executions,  the  mind  is  inspired 
with  a  feeling  at  once  of  horror  and  surprise.  The  history  of  the 
discovery  and  conquest  of  Peru  is,  indeed,  remarkable  for  a  far 
greater  proportion  of  crime  and  violence  than  that  of  any  other 
part  of  the  New  World.  But  a  portion  of  the  amazement  pro- 
duced by  such  events  will  vanish,  on  a  careful  examination  of  the 
causes  by  which  they  were  produced.  The  manner  of  preparing 
expeditions  in  America,  and  of  carrying  on  war,  was  prejudicial 
in  the  extreme.  Each  adventurer,  considering  himself  as  acting 
solely  on  his  own  account,  paid  no  further  deference  to  authority, 
than  he  thought  conducive  to  his  interest,  or  than  his  narrow  ca- 
pacity deemed  strictly  just.  The  confusion  consequent  on  such 
an  order  of  things  soon  became  obvious.  In  the  struggle  for  power 
and  command  among  the  different  chiefs,  each  adventurer  chose 
that  side  which  best  answered  his  purpose,  without  any  reference 
to  the  sacred  dictates  of  duty  and  justice.  Hence  the  continual 
shifting  from  one  side  to  the  other; — hence,  also,  the  detestable 
acts  of  treachery  which  distinguished  these  calamitous  events. 
The  method  of  enlisting  officers  of  note  was  as  injurious  as  it  was 
unprincipled.  Without  reference  to  the  justice  of  the  cause  in 
which  they  were  to  engage,  or  the  duty  to  which  they  had  already 
sworn,  distinguished  chiefs  and  veteran  soldiers  were  actually 
bought  over,  not  merely  by  the  promises  of  emoluments  in  lands 
and  booty  after  the  campaign,  but  with  large  pecuniary  gratuities, 
which  were  set  down  as  a  sort  of  earnest  of  what  was  to  follow. 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  spent  five  hundred  thousand  pesos  in  raising  an 
army  of  a  thousand  men  ;  and  Lagasca  spent  nine  hundred  thou- 
sand in  levying  soldiers  against  that  commander. '  The  gift  of 
lands  was  still  more  preposterous.  Cepeda,  in  reward  for  having 
persuaded  the  Audience  to  acknowledge  the  usurped  authority  of 
Pizarro,  received  from  that  chief  a  grant  of  territory  worth  an  in- 
come of  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  pesos.  Hinojosa,  for  having 
surrendered  the  fleet  and  abandoned  his  duty,  received  from  La- 
gasca lands  which  yielded  a  rent  of  two  hundred  thousand  pesos. t 

These  vast  acquisitions  of  wealth  were  not  only  powerful  incen- 
tives to  treachery,  but  were  also  attended  with  other  fatal  results. 
They  diffused  among  those  rude  adventurers  an  eager  desire  for 
grandeur,  to  which  they  had  never  before  dreamt  of  aspiring. 
The  continual    state   of  excitement  which   prevailed   among  the 

*  Zarato. — llerrcra.  t  G.  do  la  Vega. 

IP 


214  HISTORY  OF  THE 


Spaniards  in  Peru,  was  not  certainly  calculated  to  soften  their 
disposition  ;  and  this,  together  with  the  complete  contempt  and 
dereliction  of  the  most  sacred  ties  that  bind  man  to  man,  produced 
a  degree  of  reckless  indifference  and  lawless  cruelty,  as  deplorable 
as  it  was  extensive.  The  civil  war  among  the  Spaniards  in  Peru 
is  one  of  the  most  rancorous  and  ferocious  ever  recorded  in  history. 
During  the  rebellion  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  about  seven  hundred 
men  fell  in  battle,  and  no  less  than  three  hundred  and  eighty  were 
executed.*  Of  these  the  deaths  of  three  hundred  are  attributed  to 
Carvajal. 

"  The  ties  of  honour,"  says  Robertson,  "  which  ought  to  be 
held  sacred  among  soldiers,  and  the  principle  of  integrity  inter- 
woven as  thoroughly  in  the  Spanish  character  as  in  that  of  any 
nation,  seem  to  have  been  equally  forgotten.  Even  the  regard 
for  decency,  and  the  sense  of  shame  were  totally  lost."  The  Vice- 
roy Vela  was  betrayed  by  the  Judges,  who  were  sent  to  co-operate 
with  him  ;  and  Gonzalo  Pizarro  was  deserted  by  the  very  man 
who  had  counseled  his  revolt,  and  experienced  most  largely  his 
liberality.  Hence  the  dreadful  state  of  confusion,  anarchy,  and 
demoralization  which  prevailed  in  Peru  at  the  time  of  Lagasca's 
triumph;  and  it  certainly  required  repeated  and  vigorous  exer- 
tions, as  well  as  a  great  lapse  of  time,  before  anything  resembling 
permanent  order  and  trancpuillity  could  be  established  in  the  coun- 
try. 


Lagasca  having  thus  put  an  end  to  the  rebellion  of  Gonzalo  Pi- 
zarro, and  brought  the  delinquents  to  punishment,  found  that  his 
labours  were  not  yet  terminated,  but  that  his  exertions  were  re- 
quired in  the  land  before  he  could  peaceably  return  to  Spain. 
The  malcontents  in  every  part  of  the  empire  laid  down  their  arms 
upon  receiving  intelligence  of  the  fate  of  their  leader.  They 
readily  submitted  to  the  government  of  the  President,  and  seemed 
even  anxious  to  show  their  ardent  zeal  in  his  service:  but  Lagasca 
was  awrare,  that,  despite  of  these  favourable  demonstrations,  obsta- 
cles still  existed  to  a  complete  tranquillity.  It  was  not  to  be  anti- 
cipated that  violent,  unprincipled,  and  daring  adventurers,  accus- 
tomed to  disorder,  and  averse  to  control,  should  suddenly  change 
their  nature,  and  become  dutiful,  contented,  and  orderly  subjects. 

Two  remedies  claimed  now  the  attention  of  the  President,  for 
effecting  the  object  that  dwelt  on  his  mind.     These  were,  to  keep 

*  Herrera. 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  215 


those  adventurers  in  continual  occupation,  in  order  to  divert  their 
minds  from  attempting-  fresh  disturbances;  and  to  bestow  rewards 
on  such  individuals  as  had,  by  their  aid  and  support,  contributed 
to  the  success  of  the  royal  cause.  These  two  plans  he  carried 
into  immediate  execution.  His  liberality  was  conspicuously  dis- 
played ;  and  while  he  evinced  a  scrupulous  delicacy  in  not  appro- 
priating anything  to  himself,  he  was  lavish  of  benefits  to  his 
zealous  adherents.  He  then  availed  himself  of  the  usual  current 
of  ambition  of  the  time,  to  disencumber  the  state  of  all  those  tur- 
bulent and  dangerous  spirits,  whose  absence  was  of  vital  import- 
ance to  the  improvement  of  affairs.  He  nominated  Pedro  de 
Vaklivia  to  continue  the  conquest  of  the  kingdom  of  Chili,  and  to 
make  new  discoveries  in  those  extensive  territories.  An  expedi- 
tion of  equal  importance  was  intrusted  to  Diego  Centeno.  This 
was  the  great  undertaking  of  exploring  the  vast  regions  which 
were  situated  near  the  River  de  la  Plata.  The  military  renown 
of  Valdivia  and  Centeno.  and  the  hopes  both  of  acquiring  riches, 
and  of  being  freed  from  a  strict  system  of  life,  naturally  induced 
ail  the  reckless  adventurers  to  enroll  themselves  to  follow  these 
expeditions.  Accordingly,  in  a  short  time  Lagasca  found  himself 
rid  of  those  needy  soldiers  and  desperate  characters  who  afforded 
a  continual  source  of  anxiety  to  his  mind. 

But  a  source  of  much  discontent,  that  threatened  serious  results, 
was  opened  in  effecting  the  repartimiento,  or  distribution  of  lands 
and  Indians  among  the  triumphant  party.  In  consequence  of  the 
death  of  all  the  principal  adherents  of  Pizarro,  as  well  as  the  con- 
fiscation made  of  the  property  of  the  inferior  ones  who  still  survived, 
immense  wealth,  amounting  to  more  than  two  millions  of  pesos  of 
yearly  revenue,  devolved  on  the  President.*  Though  the  booty 
was  great,  and  though  Lagasca  showed  a  striking  disinterested- 
ness in  not  appropriating  any  part  of  it  to  himself,  considerable 
perplexity  arose  regarding  its  distribution.  The  claimants  were 
so  numerous,  and  evinced  such  extraordinary  arrogance  in  their 
pretensions,  that  to  satisfy  the  avarice  and  self-love  of  them  all, 
appeared  a  task  of  insurmountable  difficulty.  Lagasca  was  hourly 
besieged  with  representations,  to  which  he  was  compelled  to  lend 
an  unwilling  ear,  and  pay  the  most  deep  attention.  The  better 
to  perform  these,  functions,  he  withdrew  from  Cuzco  with  his 
secretary,  to  a  place  about  twelve  miles  distant,  where  he  might  at 
leisure,  and  without  interruption,  examine  the  justice  of  the  various 
pretensions,  and  conduct  himself  in  the  fulfillment  of  them  with 

*  Fernandez. 


216  HISTORY  OF  THE 


the  strictest  impartiality.  In  this  seclusion  he  passed  many  days; 
and  having-  made  out  the  several  allotments,  according  to  rigid 
principles  of  justice,  he  set  out  for  Lima,  leaving  the  document  to 
be  published  some  days  after  his  departure. 

The  President  was  compelled  to  adopt  this  measure,  to  prevent 
the  commotion  which  he  anticipated  the  promulgation  of  the  de- 
cree would  occasion.  He  foresaw,  that,  under  existing  circum- 
stances, the  most  impartial  act  could  not  escape  without  censure. 
To  enter  into  debate  with  each  discontented  individual,  would  be 
endless  ;  imperiously  to  refuse  to  hear  him,  would  be  impolitic.  No- 
thing therefore  remained,  but  to  take  shelter  from  the  storm  before 
the  crisis  of  its  explosion.  This  he  did  in  time  ;  and,  as  he  had  ex- 
pected,the  violent  passions  of  men  were  soon  strikingly  displayed, 
upon  the  publication  of  the  document  he  had  left  behind.  The  rage 
of  the  malcontents  was  at  first  formidable,  and  was  exhibited  in  the 
most  opprobrious  terms.  The  deepest  accusations  were  hurled 
against  the  President,  and  the  purity  of  his  motives  strongly  dis- 
puted. From  this  the  unruly  soldiers  broke  out  into  invectives, 
and  even  proceeded  to  threats.  But  their  fury  did  not  stop  here. 
The  fashion  of  appealing  to  revolt  and  sedition,  which  had  been  so 
prevalent  in  Peru,  was  deemed  the  most  efficient  measure  to  be 
adopted.  Accordingly,  many  of  the  more  daring  already  began 
to  look  out  for  a  leader  capable  of  conducting  them  to  the  field,  in 
order  to  redress  their  fancied  wrongs  by  force  of  arms. 

Fortunately,  Lagasca  was  endowed  with  extraordinary  nerve, 
and  was  equally  distinguished  for  his  activity  and  for  his  prudence. 
He  immediately  applied  himself  to  provide  a  remedy  for  the  evil. 
The  execution  of  one  turbulent  soldier,  and  the  banishment  of 
three  others,  together  with  other  prompt  operations,  restored  tran- 
quillity to  Cuzco  for  the  present.  Lagasca  then  revised  the  docu- 
ment of  the  repartimientos,  and  made  such  modifications  and 
alterations  as  he  judged  advisable.  He  next  devoted  his  attention 
to  introducing  a  more  simple  method  of  collecting  the  royal  reve- 
nue, as  well  as  promulgating  such  regulations  as  might  be  condu- 
cive to  the  prosperity  of  the  country.  His  unremitting  endeavours 
were  crowned  with  success:  and  after  a  variety  of  troubles  and 
vexations,  he  accomplished  all  the  purposes  of  his  important  mis- 
sion. 

Lagasca  became  now  very  anxious  to  return  to  his  native  coun- 
try. His  age,  his  infirmities,  and  the  severe  labour  to  which  he 
had  been  subjected  of  late  years,  made  him  long  for  the  enjoyment 
of  repose.  He  accordingly  intrusted  the  government  of  Peru  to 
the  Court  of  Audience,  and  departed  for  Spain  the  1st  of  February, 


CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  217 


1550,  leaving  the  country  for  the  time  in  perfect  tranquillity.  He 
carried  along  with  him  for  the  royal  revenue,  the  sum  of  thirteen 
hundred  thousand  pesos,  which  by  economy  and  regularity  he  had 
been  able  to  save,  after  defraying  every  expense  consequent  on  his 
arduous  undertaking.  The  reception  which  he  met  with  in  Spain, 
both  from  the  court  and  the  people,  was  such  as  was  eminently 
due  to  his  virtues  and  abilities.  The  services  which  he  had  ren- 
dered were  great,  but  not  more  so  than  the  principles  of  honour 
and  rectitude  by  which  they  had  been  invariably  accompanied. 
In  summing  up  the  merits  of  Lagasca,  however,  we  cannot  do 
better  than  copy  the  words  of  Doctor  Robertson.  Speaking  of  the 
President,  the  historian  says — 

"  Without  army,  or  fleet,  or  public  funds ;  with  a  train  so  simple, 
that  only  three  thousand  ducats  were  expended  in  equipping  him; 
he  set  out  to  oppose  a  formidable  rebellion.  By  his  address  and 
talents  he  supplied  all  those  defects,  and  seemed  to  create  instru- 
ments for  executing  his  designs.  He  acquired  such  a  naval  force 
as  gave  him  the  command  of  the  sea.  He  raised  a  body  of  men 
able  to  cope  with  the  veteran  band  which  gave  law  to  Peru.  He 
vanquished  their  leader,  on  whose  arms  victory  had  hitherto  at- 
tended; and,  in  place  of  anarchy  and  usurpation,  he  established 
the  government  of  laws,  and  the  authority  of  the  rightful  sovereign. 
But  the  praise  bestowed  on  his  abilities  was  exceeded  by  that 
which  his  virtue  merited.  After  residing  in  a  country  where 
wealth  presented  allurements  which  had  seduced  every  person 
who  had  hitherto  possessed  power  there,  he  returned  from  that 
trying  station  with  integrity  not  only  untainted,  but  unsuspected. 
After  distributing  among  his  countrymen  possessions  of  greater 
extent  and  value  than  had  ever  been  in  the  disposal  of  a  subject 
in  any  age  or  nation,  he  himself  remained  in  his  original  state  of 
poverty;  and  at  the  very  time  when  he  brought  such  a  large  re- 
cruit to  the  royal  treasure,  he  was  obliged  to  apply  by  petition  for 
a  small  sum  to  discharge  some  petty  debts  which  he  had  contracted 
during  the  course  of  his  service.  Charles  was  not  insensible  to 
such  disinterested  merit.  Lagasca  was  received  by  him  with  the 
most  distinguished  marks  of  esteem;  and  being  promoted  to  the 
bishoprick  of  Palencia,  he  passed  the  remainder  of  his  days  in 
the  tranquillity  of  retirement,  respected  by  his  country,  honoured 
by  his  sovereign,  and  beloved  by  all."  To  this  panegyric  nothing 
need  be  added. 

Lagasca's  absence  from  Peru  became  soon  remarked,  in  the 
disorders  which  began  again  to  prevail  over  the  country.  For  many 
years,  despite  of  the  wise   regulations  which   the   President   had 


•2 IS  HISTORY  OF  THE  CONQUEST  OF  PERU. 


made  previous  to  his  departure,  the  tranquillity  of  the  land  was 
continually  disturbed  by  fresh  tumults  and  disorders.  It  is  long 
before  men  accustomed  to  misrule,  and  ripe  for  violence  and  revolt, 
can  submit  to  that  curtailment  of  mischievous  independence,  re- 
quired in  an  orderly  and  well-constituted  state  of  society.  These 
insurrections,  however,  were  promoted  by  private  discontent,  and 
the  public  did  not  partake  in  them  as  affairs  that  interested  the 
whole  community.  Such  dissensions,  therefore,  would  take  more 
space  in  the  recital,  than,  from  their  real  importance,  could  be 
justified  in  this  rapid  sketch  of  the  conquest  of  Peru — which 
naturally  terminates  in  the  death  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  the  last  of 
the  brothers,  and  the  principal  conquerors  of  the  country.  The 
subsequent  events  belong  to  other  periods  ;  and  we  shall,  therefore, 
leave  for  them  a  place  in  other  annals. 


THE     END 


University  of  California  Library 
Los  Angeles 

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